Published December 11, 2005

The Union Solidarity and Development Association held a press conference at its headquarters on December 6, to clarify the objectives of the organisation.

The groups’ secretary general, Maj. Gen. Htay Oo told journalists the group could become Burma’s newest political party.

The junta obviously has plans to convert the ‘non-governmental organisation’ into a pro-military political force and the USDA could be a trick up the general’s sleeves if they are ever forced to face another election.

Burmese people know the USDA is actually a military-backed terrorist group and is closer to being a military wing than a non-political development group.

Formed in 1993, the group has grown boasting a membership of almost 12 million people across Burma. It is affiliated with the Burmese Red Cross, the Women’s Affairs Committee, military-backed welfare groups and retired military members.

Large sections of the USDA’s charter show it was formed and designed to actively combat Burma’s democracy movement and attack, both physically and psychologically, activists and anti-military groups.

One section of the charter says, “With cooperation and assistance from the authorities, opposition members and their families must be prevented from acting in ways, socially or commercially, that pose a threat to our organisation or to the state.”

Another section says, “The weaknesses that exist within family members of opposition parties must be studied and exploited”, and another states, “Hardheaded opposition individuals will eventually become shaken and agitated and most people will lose confidence in them”.

While the existence of the group is nerve-racking enough, the fact they wield such a large membership is even more perturbing.

Htay Oo boasted at the press conference, “If two people stand on the corner of a street, I can say one of them is a USDA member.” If the USDA was to become a political group they would have a far greater support base than other smaller democracy groups and would certainly give the NLD a run for its money.

The USDA is also disturbingly well organised and members of the association are required to attend a variety of courses including basic military training. They are planned for use by the military to help squash any potential uprisings.

People still remember the incident in November 1996 when Aung San Suu Kyi’s convoy was attacked by people wielding iron bars and motorcycle chains. Many people say they clearly saw USDA members grouping and taking instructions from the military minutes before the incident happened.

Aung San Suu Kyi said military security officials stood by and watched the violent attack. She has also compared the USDA to Hitler’s notorious Storm Troopers.

There is no doubt the USDA’s main patron is Than Shwe and the 1996 incident, like the Depayin massacre in 2003, was a calculated military attack against the NLD.

The Depayin attack, when 250 NLD members were attacked and many shot by a group of 5000 troops, police and USDA members, made it clear the USDA was becoming the one of the nastiest pro-military groups in Burma.

It is obvious the group is capable of all manner of trickery. It is also obvious they were founded with the demise of the NLD in mind.

But the military’s attempts in the past to discredit the opposition and accuse Aung San Suu Kyi of being a ‘neo-colonialist lackey’ have not worked and Burmese people still look to her as the true leader of the country.

After the regime’s failure to win, or even save face, in the 1990 election failed they have had to come up with new ways to prolong their rule, thwart the opposition and make the international community think they are doing the right thing.

So in an act of deception, the junta organised the sham National Convention with the intention of drafting a constitution that would help them maintain their grip on power. Any constitution drafted during the National Convention will be designed to ensure the military has a role in any future Burmese government.

For this reason, many opposition groups, including the NLD, have refused to take part in the meetings, making it impossible for the military to pass them off as constructive or democratic.

The suspicions that former prime minister Khin Nyunt’s road map to democracy would mean nothing but more delays have proven to be well-founded and there is no end in sight to the junta’s bogus political reforms.

The latest session of the National Convention is the same as all the others – full of government supporters and cronies who have an interest in prolonging military power.

Lt. Gen. Thein Sein, chairman of the National Convention Convening Committee, took the podium on December 5 and warned, “External and internal elements are trying to derail the national convention process at a time when it is going smoothly and successfully. Beware of the dangers of subversives.”

Smoothly and successfully are hardly the words most people would use to describe the convention, except perhaps USDA officials.

While it is obvious they should, it is doubtful the military would yield to international pressure and release the country’s political prisoners immediately and unconditionally.

While a national cease-fire and an effective National Convention are in the true interests of Burma the generals and the USDA are unlikely to change their tune.

If the USDA is panning to become a political party, there is little hope for military-backed political and democratic reforms.

Zin Linn is an ex-political prisoner and exiled writer. He is an executive member of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers.