To Promote Regional Peace and Stability, ASEAN must take Initiative to tame its unprincipled member

Mon, 2007-10-15 05:25

By - Zin Linn

The United Nations Security Council has finally adopted a presidential statement issued by the previous President of the Council, Ghana's UN Ambassador Leslie Christian, on Burma's ruling military junta, which brutally crackdown on pro-democracy activists during the ‘Saffron Revolution.’ Despite the fact that the original draft strongly condemned the military junta, the final statement released on 11 October 2007 only says, "The Security Council strongly deplores the use of violence against peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar and welcomes Human Rights Council Resolution S-5/1 of 2 October 2007." The statement also calls on the junta and all other parties concerned to work together towards a de-escalation of the situation and a peaceful solution.

It also calls for the early release of "all political prisoners and remaining detainees," urging the military regime to prepare for a "genuine dialogue" with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. However the statement does not mention the release of the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The UN Security Council statement was watered down from its original draft to win the consent of China -- one of Myanmar's closest allies -- and Russia, which have previously vetoed resolutions for the establishment of a democratic regime in Burma.

Amnesty International welcomes the statement from the Security Council on Myanmar (Burma) which "strongly deplores" the use of violence against peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar. Irene Khan, Secretary General of Amnesty International said, "Obviously, we wish the Council had spoken out much stronger and had called for the immediate unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other prisoners of conscience. Clearly such releases are essential if there is to be any progress on the 'genuine dialogue' and 'national reconciliation' the Security Council seeks. The Council should also have stressed accountability for the grave human rights violations committed,"

But, the fact is that there was no immediate response from the junta's senior-general, who stubbornly refused to meet the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi for the past 20 years. Meanwhile, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a human rights watch group, reported on 10 October 2007, that Win Shwe, a 42-year-old member of the National League for Democracy, died in a police torture-chamber during the police interrogation. As he died result of torture, his body was not sent back to his family and the interrogators indicated that they had cremated his remains instead. According to Democratic Voice of Burma, a 48-year-old detainee, U Than Aung, died on 4 October at a detention center in Rangoon. He was arrested on September 27, and he suffered severe internal injuries, and died as he was not given immediate medical attention.

The opposition asserted that thousands were arrested in the September crackdown. The regime says 10 people were killed including the Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai, 50, in the crackdown and 2,100 people detained, but diplomats and dissidents revealed that the toll is much higher and as many as 6,000 people were taken into custody.

Rumours are rife that hundreds of demonstrators especially monks were killed. The security forces launched cruel cracked down on the peaceful and unarmed demonstrators with guns, batons and clubs. Many dead bodies and seriously injured persons were cremated, buried or thrown into to the river. Some dead bodies of monks have been seen floating in the river in Rangoon in early October. In addition, many detainees have been tortured during interrogation. There are 5 detention centers in Rangoon Division - (1) Kyaikkasan Police Detention Center.(2) Hmawbi Riot Police Detention Center.(3) Than-lyin (Syrium) Riot Police Detention Center.(4) Aung-tha-bye Detention Center. (5) Govt. Technical Institute (GTI) – and in each center over 1000 monks and civilians were detained.

Although there were detainees with serious injuries, they were not provided with medical treatment by the authorities. Moreover, captives have not been given enough food and drinking-water. It was a kind of torture that detainees have to sit all the time due to overcrowding of the cells they were held. According to reports, well over 700 people were held locked in a 30x70 feet room. The most terrible thing was that there were no lavatories and detainees had to use plastic bags for easing them. According to a released monk, at least 30 detainees died under harsh condition within 8 days while he was in GTI detention center. It was a nerve wrecking experience hearing beatings, kicking, torturing and screams or sobbing of the victims, said the eye-witness.

The beleaguered junta lashed out at Western countries and international media, accusing them of encouraging the ‘September Protests’. The state-owned newspaper, New Light of Myanmar described protesters, who continue to be hunted by the military across the country, as "stooges of foreign countries putting on a play written by their foreign masters."

Meanwhile, the junta has been going on with its cruel manhunt throughout the country. The main opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) has made an announcement on 11 October 2007, in which it confirmed that, so far, 216 members including 15 Members of Parliament were taken into custody by the junta .

A popular Burmese film-star and social activist, Kyaw Thu, and his wife, Myint Myint Pe Khin, were also arrested on 10 October. Kyaw Thu had openly supported the protest and helped setting up a committee for offering food, water and medical treatment to the protesting Buddhist monks. Kyaw Thu's colleague, Zarganar, a comedian known for his anti-government mockeries, was arrested on September 26. It was not known of their fates after arrests. On 12 October, a prominent leader from the 88 Generation Students' Group Htay Kywe and three other activists Aung Thu, Thin Thin Aye (alias) Mie Mie and Ko Ko, were also arrested. All of them are members of the 88 Generation Students' Group, which comprises student leaders who were active in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. The London-based rights group, Amnesty International said in a statement that it believes that these high-profile opposition figures are at grave risk of torture and mistreatment.

Although the Security Council strongly deplored the use of violence against peaceful demonstrations, Burmese regime defied U.N. calls for an end to its crackdown on pro-democracy protesters. Current situation in the military ruled country is very seemingly a country under ‘invasion.’ People dare not sleep at night fearing that soldiers could break the doors enter their homes at any given time, without a legal authorization as rule of the jungle prevails. Families of political prisoners who have been detained over last two weeks were worried as they have not heard the whereabouts of their kiths and kin.

People seriously need the help of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to scrutinize all places of detention in order to protect the innocent lives languishing in the military dungeons. Families of missing protesters and local journalists are also hoping helps from the ICRC to get information or whereabouts of their loved-ones.

Although the UN Security Council's members agreed on the need to create the necessary conditions for a genuine dialogue, Burma's military junta rejected the UN statement calling for dialogue with the pro-democracy opposition, sticking to its own seven-step roadmap toward development, but political analysts say that it is a sham proposal, aimed at military prolong its grip on power.

The Security Council’s statement expresses support for the early return to Myanmar, the UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari, who visited the restive Southeast Asian country to defuse the crisis, "in order to facilitate concrete actions and tangible results."

To relieve the people's concerns, Mr. Gambari should press the junta as a priority task for ICRC to have access to all detainees. An "early release" of all political prisoners and detainees should be also pressed. Genuine Dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, all concerned parties, and ethnic leaders should also be either supervised or facilitated by the United Nations. People of Burma put their hope upon Mr. Gambari of facilitating for such pre-conditions that may pave way toward promising phase of National Reconciliation and peaceful solution in this impoverish country.

As for the ASEAN countries, it is not enough urging restraint and calling for a peaceful transition to democracy, the grouping must come forward to support the good offices of the UN Secretary-General Mr. Ban Ki-Moon and his envoy Mr. Gambari. Up to date, ASEAN member countries have been only appealing. A form of ‘lip service’. At least, ASEAN countries should convince Myanmar junta that the continued human rights abuses will damage the image of the 10 nations’ Association. In addition, Red Cross and Red Crescent missions have to explore ways of offering humanitarian assistance, especially medicine and sustenance to the masses who have been starving since the economic collapse due to the mismanagement of the country’s economy by the military junta.

Therefore, ASEAN should abandon its passive policy on Burma/Myanmar and help actively implementing reform processes in the military ruled country together with the UN's good offices. If ASEAN failed in its obligations and responsibilities for the people of Burma, there would be a danger of the spillover effects of disease, human trafficking and drug-related transnational crimes increasing rapidly in those countries in the near future. ASEAN should not believe in the junta's deceptive words that Burma's internal crisis is a solvable question without outside helps. As a civilized grouping, it must take note of the suffering and miseries Burmese people are experiencing due to the dictatorial regime of the military junta, nearly for the last five decades.

Mon, 2007-10-15 05:25

- Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/7825

Burma: The Verdict of the People Can not be Stamped Out

Asian Tribune
Tue, 2007-05-29 04:40

by - Zin Linn*

2007 is an important year for the democracy movement in Burma. Political and diplomatic analysts are unanimous on this score. This is notwithstanding the latest Junta decision to extend the detention of symbol Burmese hope, Suu Kyi, for another year. For the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), a priority is drafting of the Constitution by the National Convention this year.

It also has a dream, a day dream at that a referendum on the new constitution followed by elections in 2008. Majority of the people do not agree with the road map designed to put in place military dominated rule. The Junta is going out of its way to court the support of ASEAN and other neighbouring countries especially China and India for its constitutional makeover. At the same time it is riding roughshod over the National League for Democracy (NLD) which is the only challenger to its supremacy at home.

On May 27, the Burmese observed the 17th anniversary of NLD's decisive victory in the 1990 General Elections. NLD had won 392 of the 485 seats on offer in Parliament. NLD allies, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) won 23 seats and the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) bagged 11 seats in what was certainly one of the free and fair elections that had taken place in the South-East Asia region.

In the contemporary history of Burma, that election will remain an important bench mark for decades to come. For a variety of reasons.

After 26 years of military dictatorship, the people got an opportunity to vote for a government of their choice. However, instead of transferring power as it promised before polls, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) decreed that the newly elected representatives would report to a national convention which would be charged with the task of drafting a new democratic constitution. The decree, 1/90 Declaration was issued on July 27, 1990.

A constitution is a contract between the people and the government of a nation. Only a statute that is willingly accepted by the people will endure the test of time. The National League for Democracy believes that if a genuine multi-party democracy is to be established in Burma, a constitution based on democratic principles is an absolute necessity.

The NLD was set up to usher in a genuine democratic system which lives upto the aspirations and hopes of the people and contributes to building a strong Union of Burma. It believes that the state derives its power from the people. And a democratic nation must have the rule of law and a constitution that guarantees human rights, and basic freedoms - of worship, expression and association. Moreover, the NLD believes that the foundation for a strong, lasting and prosperous union has to be laid through a national convention where all the ethnic groups of Burma are represented and decide collectively the destiny of the nation. The landslide victory in 1990 was a public endorsement of what all the NLD has come to stand for.

Unfortunately, SPDC and its earlier incarnation, SLORC adopted means fair and foul to undo the electoral verdict. First, it invalidated the result, and then it sacked the MPs. They were also disqualified them from standing for elections again. When the MPs resisted pressure to resign, false cases were slapped and they were thrown into jail. Once this exercise was complete and 200 members were eased out, the Junta said "Parliament is not being constituted as we don't have enough elected members".

96 of the 426 elected MPs passed away during the 17 years. Three MPs died in police custody. Tin Maung Win, NLD MP of Khayan Constituency (1), Rangoon Division, passed away on January18, 1991 in the notorious Insein Prison. Hla Than from Coco Islands Constituency (also Rangoon Division) died on August 2, 1996 at the guard ward in Rangoon General Hospital. Saw Win (a.k.a) Kyaw Zaw Lin, who had won Htee Lin Constituency (Magwe Division) on Aug 7, 1998 in Thayawaddy Prison.

Three law makers passed away soon after their release from jail. Kyaw Min of Bassein West Constituency (Irrawaddy Division), died of liver cirrhosis on July1, 1999 in Rangoon General Hospital. San San Win, who represents the Ahlon Constituency (Rangoon Division), passed away in 2000 and Hla Maung who had won Kyainseikkyi seat from Karen State died November 27, 2003.

Win Ko who represented Ye Oo Constituency (Sagaing Division), was assassinated in Kunming, China, on Nov 1, 1992 and Hla Pe, (Pyaw Bwe Constituency, Mandalay Division), was eliminated on the outskirts of Bangkok on June 16, 1993. At least 12 law makers are languishing in the Junta's notorious prison. And the appeals by the international community -United Nations General Assembly including for their release have gone in vain. In fact, there are some 1000 political prisoners. They include the 1991 Nobel Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi but the Junta has withstood the pressure calls for their release.

Suu Kyi and NLD stand for dialogue as they firmly believe in Gandhian values and concepts. But the Junta has cold shouldered NLD and ignored its dialogue offer. So NLD has no place at the National Convention the Junta has convened. The second-largest pro-democracy party, the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), did not turn up dubbing the convention as undemocratic. The United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), which represents the ethnic parties of Shans, Karens, Kachins, Chins, Arakans, Mons and Karennis also declared ahead of the convention that they would not go to the forum in the absence of the NLD.

It goes without saying that minus NLD the junta's national convention becomes a farce with no genuine democratic principles and objectives. SPDC's Convention has three foremost objectives. First whitewash the premeditated massacre at Depayin. Second do away with the result of the 1990 General Elections. Third persuade regional governments to support a sugar-coated military-monopolized parliament as a legislative body of Burma.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi says: " Democracy means pluralism. That means many parties, many strands of thought. That means that we have to be able to disagree. That means we have to be able to agree to disagree. Because of that, the holding of political prisoners saps peoples' confidence in the possibility of change. If people are going to be arrested for expressing their opinions, their political opinions, then how can we say that there is a hope for political freedom in Burma, and without political freedom, how can there be democracy? So, we repeat, again and again, we reiterate, that the release of political prisoners is the most important thing for all those who truly wish to bring about change in Burma.

However, present situation in Burma shows that the military junta has been adamantly marching along the anti-democracy road. For instance, 29 pro-democracy activists including Su Su Nway, the winner of the John Humphrey Freedom Award, were arrested on 15 May as they bumped into plain clothes security police and members of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) on their way to a pagoda in Insein Township. On the same day, 13 NLD members from Hlaingtharyar township of Rangoon were arrested. Another 15 members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) who staged prayer services at a pagoda in Mingaladon were also temporarily detained by the military authorities. The authorities charged them with trying to stir up unrest by exploiting religious practice.

The state-run newspaper the New Light of Myanmar said the arrests were made by peace-loving people to prevent instigators from trying to cause insecurity and strife. The '88 Generation Students', a student group, condemned the action. It is improper and immoral to assault, perturb, harass and detain those praying peacefully for Aung San Suu Kyi. The student group urged the government to release Aung San Suu Kyi for the sake of national reconciliation.

In an unprecedented gesture, 59 former presidents and prime ministers around the world have sent a signed appeal for the unconditional release of the Nobel laureate who has been in the jail for past 11 years. The appeal followed an initiative taken by a former Norwegian Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) made a similar demand. Both appeals have fallen on deaf ears.

ASEAN countries and the international community have been frustrated by the slow pace of political reform in Burma. The military junta should review its policy on the NLD, stop brutal and inhumane oppressions and act in accordance with international standards of human rights.

On 30 April 2007, a seminar on Burma held on the sidelines of the 116th Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) meeting in Bali openly acknowledged that the Myanmar military junta's misrule had a spill over effect on the region and its stability. Speaker of the Indonesian Parliament Agung Laksono said that all parliamentarians have a role in encouraging the restoration of civil, political and democratic rights in Burma. There is agreement that all lovers of Burma must rally in support of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolution on Burma.

On the 17th anniversary of Burma's 1990 General Elections, the key regional players China, India, Japan and ASEAN should recognize their obligation to Burma. They must urge SPDC to give up its fruitless policies and unproductive plans. If the junta is reluctant to recognize the will of its own people, the consequences that follow may not be to its likings. People's will cannot be wished away nor their aspirations just as the verdict in a popular election cannot be brushed aside for days no end.

*Zin Linn is a Burmese journalist living in exile. He is an executive member of the Burma Media Association (BMA).

- Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/5926

Burma:: Buddhist Abbot to be hanged

Date : 2003-12-06

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

Much to everybody's shock and consternation, the Burmese military regime has again condemned, this time a Buddhist abbot. The military court in Mandalay Prison has sentenced to death a venerable Buddhist abbot Sayadaw U Cendhimar from Kyauk-se, a reliable source in Mandalay said. Earlier, in mid-October, religious unrest broke out in Kyauk-se, a town in central Burma, which is located not far away from Mandalay. The unrest spread to the city of Mandalay and then to the capital Rangoon. Burma’s junta confirmed that there had been sporadic clashes between people professing different faiths and slapped a dusk-to-dawn curfew in the areas where the religious unrest was rampant. According to reports, the religious unrest broke out with a minor dispute, as someone threw a stone into a Buddhist monastery compound and it sparked the anger of the Buddhist monks, who mistakenly believed that the occupants of a nearby mosque were responsible for the alleged stone throw. Subsequently, number of Muslims were attacked and injured in the religious riot that ensued, while others fearing for their lives sought shelter in the homes of the neighbouring Buddhist families. According to local populace, many Buddhist monks in Mandalay rushed to Kyauk-se, caused tension thus sparking riots and arson, which left a dozen people dead, including a pregnant woman. Following the untoward incidences, Buddhist monks were ordered to observe curfew and monasteries and mosques came under surveillance of the state officials, witnesses said. The ruling junta took swift action against the Buddhist clergies before public unrest broke out, anticipating that the riot could have been termed as protests against the regime. However, people suspected that that the religious riot was a state orchestrated one. The Sangha Mahanayaka (Chief Buddhist Prelate) or Buddhist monks’ administrative body issued an instruction, banning all monks not to leave monasteries between 19:00 and 04:00 hours. Security personnel also monitored mosques and monasteries and watched closely the activities of the monks. During the religious unrest in October, the military intelligence services arrested at least 315 people including monks. Moreover, according to confirmed reports, two monks and a dozen people were killed in the incident. One abbot, the venerable Kyauk-thin-baw Sayadaw from Kyauk-se and his follower Pho Zaw were murdered at Letpanhla village on October 16. The two Buddhist monks were killed while on their way to Kyunhla village for religious purpose. On October 19, eleven Muslim were also killed in the religious riot in Kyauk-se.. A monk was shot dead during a demonstration in Mandalay, on 27 October. Accordingly, in the religious unrest which rage the country in October, 14 lives were lost and the junta arrested over 300 people. But according to reliable sources, there are no major conflict between the Buddhist and Muslim religious factions. In the past 40 year the country experienced time and again religious and racial riots, and it was alleged that the military dictators were the culprits, who from the backstage pulled strings in order to derail public outrage against the political or economic crisis. It's surprising that, out of 315 detainees, the Venerable Abbot U Cendhimar, who is the chief monk of the Nyein-chan-ye (Peace) monastery in Kyauk-se, was put on trial in the Mandalay Prison and capital sentence passed. According to information, lawsuit against the venerable prelate was filed on 24 November 2003. In the said case, another 5 accused, who are under 17 years of age, were also found guilty and each of them were sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. The names of the 5 teenagers were not known as yet. The military intelligence service has threatened the respective officials of the judicial military court to be secretive and not to divulge any information about the case and the proceedings. Sources inside Burma said that the hearing was conducted secretly and the accused were testified without notifying to the relatives of the accused and also without giving an opportunity for having a lawyer to defend them. Several when contacted express dissatisfaction with the decision of the junta's special court to condemn with capital punishment the most Venerable U Cendhimar. - Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_news.php?id=8195

Junta may not release "Prisoners of Conscience"

Date : 2004-11-22

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

The November 18 announcement was as cryptic as any the Burmese military junta has made till date. Nevertheless, the decree as broadcast over the state run radio that 3,937 prisoners would be set free is welcome news. These prisoners are among the hundreds and thousands of people who have been randomly picked up and detained in the jails, which, as a former detainee, I can tell you, are hell on earth. What prompted the rulers to let them free is unclear but the admission that they were all victims of army excesses is a shocking confession about the state of affairs. Coming as it did from the highest in the land; it appears to be a way of atoning for the wrong that was perpetrated on the innocent, though at least on the face of it no remorse is reflected in the decree. It is for this reason that the decree will remain a reference point in the days ahead to the embarrassment of the junta. Mark the words in the announcement: “It is concluded the National Intelligence Bureau may have used irregular and improper means to put them into prison”. We don’t know when these lucky ones will begin to breathe free, and, in fact, who these lucky ones are. Because, the broadcast was silent on these basic details. A guess, rather surmise based on the past experience, is that the criminals may have more chance getting out of jail than the prisoners of conscience. There is no denying that time is ripe for the Generals to think seriously of releasing all political prisoners and kick start the process of national reconciliation and reconstruction of the economy, which is in shambles. If the army is sincere, it should release Burma’s Nobel laureate first and then free unconditionally some 1500 political activists who are languishing in jails. Most of them have been put behind bars by the orders of Gen Khin Nyunt, who had headed the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB), besides being the prime minister of the country till very recently. Nyunt himself is under house arrest now. And the NIB has been disbanded. As I observed in my recent columns, the eclipse of Nyunt exposed the battle for supremacy among rival military factions. He obviously incurred the wrath of the Big Man, Senior General Than Shwe (the head of state). That was why he had to go. More than that, his control of the border trade and drug trafficking channels in his capacity as the director general of Burma’s notorious Military Intelligence Service (MIS) made him neighbours envy. Burma is the second largest opium producer in the world, after Afghanistan. And Opium trade, legal and illegal, is big money. The MIS personnel have been acting like the mafia over the years and they have used its elite status to make unbelievable sums of money. The MIS corruption is particularly strong along the border areas where the daily income of a Sergeant far outstrips the pay of a mainstream infantryman. In addition, smuggling of narcotic drugs by some ethnic groups, which have signed ceasefire deals with MIS, has reached such proportions that early this year, Thailand had threatened to erect a fence along the border to check drug trafficking. Last September, the MIS directly crossed swords with the army by penetrating into their ‘business’ territories. Two intelligence officers, Maj. Kyi Zin and Maj. Kyaw Kyaw Naing, (who were directly under the charge of Brig. Gen. Myint Zaw, Chief of the Border Affairs Division at the MIS) have claimed that they had been instructed to raise funds for presidential campaign of Gen. Khin Nyunt. While it is true that the Junta was planning a switch over to Presidential system by adopting a new constitution at a national convention, the calibrated efforts of Khin Nyunt and his cronies to mobilise men and money for a presidential campaign rang alarm bells in the quarter that mattered. Some analysts aver that the September clamp down was also a result of senior army commanders desire to control the lucrative border trade with China. It may be true. What ever be the inside tract, out went orders for a raid on a busy check post at Muse, on the border with China. Apparently, the powers that be wanted to use the raid as a test case. And what they found and finally seized caused a big stir even when it is common knowledge that the Burmese generals are incredibly corrupt and have built their personal fortunes through smuggling rings. It is said the soldiers seized huge quantities of gold bars, jade, pearls, foreign currencies and other valuables goods from Muse check post. Operation demolition was sent in motion and it was only after the ‘wealth shake-up’ was completed and the 20-year-old clandestine Khin Nyunt empire was demolished, the former prime minister was put under arrest on October 19, 2004. Khin Nyunt operated several profitable businesses through his MIS. These ranged from karaoke bars to travel agencies and from newspapers and magazines to assortment of business enterprises, big and small. Khin rivals are busy carving out the business empire of the ousted prime minister and his privileged cronies. Junta’s strongman Than Shwe is understood to have decided to rid the MIS of the Khin Nyunt elements. So, business firms linked to the former prime minister have been shut down or made to suspend operations temporarily. At least 17 journals and magazines went out of news paper stands after Khin Nyunt associates lost control of the Censorship Bureau. According to a reliable source in Rangoon, the military regime has imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Kyauk-tan, the native town of the ousted Prime Minister since the first week of November. The army men are removing posters and pictures of Khin Nyunt. Also removed are marble inscriptions on various buildings because Khin Nyunt's name appeared. Most of the closest relatives of the former MIS chief are living in the town and from the looks; it is a systematic operation of cracking down upon Khin Nyunt's grass roots supporters. Gen. Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of armed forces, and Lt-Gen. Soe Win, who replaced Khin Nyunt, are vivying for the top jobs. Diplomats in Rangoon believe that the man to be watched, however, is Vice Senior General Maung Aye. He is number two in the Junta and in effect, the real commander who is calling the shots. There is reason to believe that the Senior General Than Shwe is planning to transfer power to ‘the next generation’ in the army. On his part he likes to switch his role to that of a President, once the Junta’s seven-point road map is implemented. What this transition will mean to Burma? What are the chances of release of political prisoners? Crystal gazing is difficult at best of times, and certainly in Burma. There may be some trade offs between the Senior General and the Vice Senior General in the matter of new appointments to the cabinet. That may not signal the slackening of army grip over the power structure. In fact, the army may play the power games more assertively. It is easier playing the game without the Nobel laureate and her party. But as I said at the outset, if the army is sincere and has the true interests of Burma at heart, it should do what the world expects of them - set free all political prisoners. Without much ado! And without much delay! This is the time for action. Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist who lives in exile. He is an executive member of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with Reporters Sans Frontiers, Paris.

Who encourages the Burmese junta to violate human rights?

Date : 2004-06-30

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

Most people in Rangoon have applauded the European Union's clear-cut decision on principle towards the ASEAN that determined the fate of the military controlled Government of Burma. Burmese people feel dissatisfied with the ASEAN's lopsided engagement policy as furthering the military regime rather than a fair deal. Moreover, the ASEAN leaders stand for their own interests and neglect the democratic principles. Two scheduled meetings between EU and Asian finance ministers in the coming months have been cancelled amid EU’s objections to the participation in the Talks the military ruled Burma for the junta’s repeated human rights violations. The decision to cancel the talks has caused acrimony between the EU and the ASEAN that make up the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). Malaysia is criticizing the European Union for canceling meetings with Asian economic and finance ministers because of the inclusion of Burma’s military junta, calling the decision ‘counter-productive’. "Just because they are dissatisfied with one country, it should not cause a meeting to be abandoned or canceled, that sort of thing is not very productive," Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Seri Syed Hamid Albar told reporters. He also said that Malaysia believed in its policy of "constructive engagement" with Burma as a measure that would be more successful in promoting democratic reform in the country than any harsher stance. But it's a pity that the ASEAN countries including Malaysia cannot read the inner mind of the Burmese senior general, who never consider of political reform but to maintain a status quo. If ASEAN possessed a genuine reasoning power, it would clearly know the reality that a 15-year period was more than enough to carry out reforms. Instead, Burmese military regime is repeatedly claiming towards the emergence of a disciplined-flourishing democratic nation or military-controlled country through its 7-stage road map which foes not receive any popular support. That obviously means military manipulated convention will be held by fair or foul means. The ongoing the ‘name-sake’ national convention, which was the first step of the junta's 7-stage road map, reconvened on 17 May after an 8-year lapse is a comical circus – a make-believe endeavor. The key question was when the junta failed to accommodate the major political party, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, then the Burma’s second-largest pro-democracy party, Shan National League for Democracy, chose not to attend the so called national convention. The other important ethnic political parties in the United Nationalities Alliance (representing the Shan, Karen, Kachin, Chin, Arakan, Mon and Karenni ethnic groups) have also declared that in the absence of the NLD, they too will not attend. The military regime itself has admitted in its 1/90 declaration, dated the 27th July 1990, that one of the clause stipulated in the drafting of the Constitution of the Country is the responsibility of the representatives-elect in the 1990 elections. According to 1/90, all elected representatives in the 1990 elections have the right to participate in the national convention, through which mechanism the constitution has to be drawn. But, the current junta's convention has dismissed approximately 400 members of parliament elected in 1990 General Elections and out of the 485 members of parliament, 79 had passed away as of May 17, 2004. So, according to average Burmese people, the convention is an alienated process which is going on without either the people's approval or mandate. The European Union has made it clear that it will exert pressure on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to exclude the Burmese junta from the ASEM Summit in October. European Commission President Romano Prodi reiterated the European Union's call for democracy in Burma dated 22 June 2004, while explaining the cancellations of meetings with its Asian partners. "On the European Union side, there is a principle that we work for the respect of democracy, human rights, minorities, and this is the criteria that we use for our relations with all other people," Prodi said in a joint press conference following a summit with the Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. In a foreign ministerial meeting earlier this month, the European Union canceled two ASEM sessions, one of finance ministers that had been scheduled for 06 July in Brussels and the other of economic ministers meeting scheduled in mid-September, in The Hague, over the inclusion of the Government of Burma's military junta. Actually, it is the responsibility of the ASEAN which used to say applying constructive engagement it believes in taming of the rouge regime may succeed. So, Burma's current situation is proved that ASEAN has to find ways and means to get out of the miserable position. ASEAN must confess that its practice of unconditional engagement has only served encouraging the military regime to commit further acts of oppression upon its own people. In doing so, the organization itself has disempowered and weakened its own capacity. The ASEAN should take into cognizance the uncivilized nature of the Burma's junta. If ASEAN has a good memory, it should remember what the UN has strongly urged the junta. Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other human rights instruments, the United Nations General Assembly has been urging strongly the military rulers in Burma to restore democracy and implement the results of the 1990 elections during its sixtieth session in April 2004. The UN urges the military regime to ensure that the contacts with Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy move without delay into substantive and structured dialogue towards democratization and national reconciliation. It also urges that at an early stage the regime has to include other political leaders in these talks, including the representatives of the ethnic groups. Moreover, the UN has repeatedly urged the Burma's regime to end the systematic violations of human rights in Burma and to ensure full respect for all human rights and fundamental freedom. The world body has also told the generals to facilitate and cooperate fully with an independent international investigation of charges of rapes and other civilian abuses carried out by members of the armed forces throughout the country. To release unconditionally and immediately all political prisoners has become an annual usual call to the regime by the United Nations General Assembly for more than a decade. But the rogue regime always turns a deaf ear to the voice of the United Nations. Defying decisions made by the United Nations General Assembly, Burma's military junta continues to rule the country with a rod of iron. It is hard to understand why the ruling generals maintain such a harsh and inhumane stance that caused the country isolated from the international community. The junta should know that genuine democratic reform is the only way for Burma to gain economic recovery through international recognition. According to people's remarks, the ASEAN is the culprit who encouraged the junta to launch the ongoing national convention unilaterally. The ASEAN backed convention is not a solution for Burma but a design to continue with the army rule in the country. That's why majority populace of Burma welcomes the EU's decision to cancel two upcoming meetings with Asian finance and economics ministers, casting doubt on an ASEM summit scheduled for October in Vietnam. The EU has long complained about Burmese junta’s crackdown on the democratic opposition party which won landslide in 1990 General Elections but was blocked to organize a parliament by the junta. Burmese people are very disappointed with the ASEAN of encouraging the Burmese military regime to violate human rights as well as the laws of the civilized world. Without ASEAN's support, the junta has no courage to challenge the UN's decisions. If the ASEAN does not go along with the UN's Burma decisions, the military ruled country will be changed into a regional threat that raised a lot of questions such as - drugs, human trafficking, prostitution, HIV/AIDS, refugee and mass migration etc. Burma is going to take the ASEAN chair in 2006. The ruling generals call the current constitutional forum the first step toward the democratization of Myanmar, but critics call it a "sham and farce." It is an appropriate description because any constitutional talks that exclude opposition parties, most notably the NLD and SNLD, are meaningless. Before Burma could disgrace the ASEAN, it should be tamed and harnessed at any cost. ASEAN should reconsider the whole course on Burma and especially, it should not be an advocate of a rouge state. - Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_article.php?id=1571

Games Burmese Military Rulers Play

Date: Thursday, November 18 @ 17:30:41 GMT
Topic: International Politics

By Zin Linn
2004-11-14

Recent developments in Burma (Myanmar for the ruling military junta) are good food for thought for the political observer, political activist and the faithful.

Some consider the chain of events that preceded and followed the sacking of Prime Minister Khin Nyunt as a coup d’etat. Others view them as a counter coup. For some, these are nothing but a simple game of checkmating rivals. In reality, these events are all these and much more and are intrinsically linked to power politics the Junta plays by unleashing a reign of terror.

Yes, allegations of corruption were heard at the height of the on-going turmoil, but there is nothing new about such charges. Corruption is the stick the Junta uses often to discredit any one who falls out of its favour.

This is what they did to axe Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt. Read the 18-page booklet the Junta has brought out on November 7 to further discredit Nyunt if you don’t believe me.

But there is more than what meets the eye in the Nyunt tragedy. How the downfall of this most loyal foot soldier of the Senior General Than Shwe is scripted is a comment as much on the self-indulgent style of decision-making of Senior General Than Shwe as on the state of uncertainty prevailing in Burma.

Senior General Than Shwe is egocentric. His rule is a cause for concern for those of us pushing for return of Burma to the democratic path...

Khin Nyunt, as prime minister, headed the most powerful Defence Services Intelligence Bureau (DSIB). Today, he is under house arrest. Many ministers and intelligence officers who worked under him are facing music.

Minister of Home Affairs Col Tin Hlaing and Labour Minister Tin Win, both former military intelligence officers, were forced to retire. Four deputy ministers, Brig-Gen Khin Maung (Agriculture and Irrigation), Brig-Gen Kyaw Win (Industry), Brig-Gen Aung Thein (Livestock and Fisheries), and Nyi Hla Nge (Science and Technology) were fired.

Three high-ranking officials, Brig. Gen. Than Tun, Brig.Gen. Thein Swe, Col. Hla Min and Maj. Moe Thu were sent to jail on a 22-year sentence. The fate of some seniors like Maj. Gen. Kyaw Win, who was DSIB’s vice chief, is not known.

Col. Khin Maung Lin (Director-General of the Customs), Col.Tet Htut (Director-General of the Passport Section, Immigration Dept.) and U Tun Hla Aung (Director-General of the Bureau of Special Investigation- BSI) have been arrested; they are still under severe interrogation.

The Defence Services Intelligence Bureau (DSIB) was formed in August 2001 by amalgamating Military Intelligence Service (MIS) and the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS), a think-tank of the junta. Soon it emerged as the most powerful and influential agency with its footprint covering the entire country.

In domestic affairs, it hammered out cease-fire agreements with 17 major ethnic armed groups. And unleashed an ‘impressive’ propaganda war on ‘dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi. It was Gobbleism at its best.

Gen Nyunt was the key player who brutally suppressed the 1988 mass demonstrations against the military leaving thousands dead. His military secret police was the vehicle for enforcing the Junta’s sugarcoated reforms.

Khin Nyunt and his DSIB had ‘won spurs’ overseas too. They have helped the Junta to become a ‘respectable’ member of ASEAN. And helped to mend fences with China, India, Malaysia and Thailand.

The DSIB is also credited with persuading the Japanese Government not to go along with the Western Bloc on the Burma Policy. With every DSIB success, Nyunt’s stature improved. And the script for his downfall was readied in slow motion.

It’s common knowledge in Burma that every senior military officer possesses more than a million dollars in secret accounts although the salary may not be more than 100 dollars. What this means is that they make money on the sly through a percentage cut in all deals or through the narcotics trade.

All dictators turn a nelson’s eye to corruption amongst their followers. Because, corrupt practices that bring in wealth are seen as the perfect trade off for loyal support.

In 1962, when Gen. Ne Win seized power, his Revolutionary Council charged the civilian rulers of the day with corruption. It promised to root out corruption. Subsequent events showed how the army generals used corruption as a fig leaf to grab power and then exploited national security concerns to entrench themselves.

A dictator is a dictator. He never allows a rival centre of power near him or under him. This truism Gen Khin Nyunt had not remembered and he began to promote his personality cult. Since he remained mired in his own make believe dreams, he could not foresee the axe falling on him.

In that sense, the exit of Gen.Khin Nyunt and installation of Gen. Soe Win in his place spotlights the ‘power politics’ in the military, though the Generals claim that theirs’ is an ‘indivisible army’.

According to one source in Rangoon, Nyunt’s military intelligence had planned a coup but ‘leaking roofs’ alerted Than Shwe and that he quickly took preventive action to the dismay of his rivals.

That is the reason why analysts in Rangoon describe Than Shwe’s action as a counter coup. They refuse to see Khin Nyunt discomfiture in the ‘the power struggle’ as a conflict between soft-line democrats and the hard-line autocrats as some sections of the media tends to project.

In fact, their view is that Than Shwe moves are aimed at neither a political change nor a policy shift of the junta.

Khin Nyunt, as chief of the military intelligence, was a trickster; he managed to project an image of a soft-liner and patriot.

Than Shwe is no less crooked-and-twisted power player. He had masterminded the attack on the Nobel laureate's motorcade at Dapeyin on May 30, 2003.

Major conflict of interest between Than Shwe and Khin Nyunt date back to the time Dapeyin ambush was staged. Nearly a hundred innocent lives were lost in that pre-meditated action.

There are many tell tale marks to show that the Junta had planned and executed the massacre. It was a crude display of brute power to terrorise innocent people.

But when the tragedy sparked off an outcry, the army faced a dilemma on who should be made to bear the cross. Who would take the responsibility for the gruesome killing?

According to a source close to War Office in Rangoon, the plot was stage-managed by Senior General Than Shwe himself and the field-commander of the day, who is none other than the new Prime Minister Gen. Soe Win.

. Than Shwe loyalists executed the plot without Khin Nyunt's knowledge. But, he found himself in the firing line nationally and internationally. There were also demands for a special inquiry mission on Dapeyin to book the culprits.

To cover up the crime against humanity at Dapeyin, Than Shwe made a ‘bargain deal’ with Khin Nyunt. He announced a seven-step roadmap. Khin Nyunt became Prime Minister. The aim was no more than buying time to let the Dapeyin nightmare fade out from people's memory and to strengthen the power base.

Khin Nyunt agreed to go along and play the role assigned because he has his own ambitions; he has to wait for the right time to strike...

People know very well about Than Shwe and Khin Nyunt as birds of a feather; both are up to no good for Burma. None of the generals has a soft corner for Aung San Suu Kyi and her plight in detention. Their concern is power, money and more money. Therefore, her release remains uncertain.

People of Burma have shown their preference very clearly in the 1990 General Elections, when they gave a landslide victory to the National League for Democracy.

That vote shows people disagree with the military dictatorship or the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) as the present regime styles itself. This is the reason why the Junta regards the people as its arch-opposition and transformed the whole nation into a prison state.

It is pertinent to ask as to what had hastened the show down between Khin Nyunt and the forces loyal to the Senior General on October 18 at the Mingaladon Airport in Rangoon, a day before Nyunt was sacked?

As the powerful military intelligence chief, Khin Nyunt maintained tabs on other generals and prepared ‘secret files’ on each one of them. He considered these dossiers as his insurance but never thought that keeping such files in his cupboard could lead to his own downfall.

That was why on October 18, when the Rangoon Divisional Commander Brig. Gen. Myint Swe, one of Than Shwe's loyalists, ‘ordered’ him to surrender, Khin Nyunt was initially surprised and then hesitated. The gravity of the situation sunk in quickly and he gave up without demurring.

Agreeing to disagree is a fundamental right only of those who live under a democratic system.

In military-ruled Burma, disagreeing or dissident opinion against the incumbent dictator can be seen as a crime. The sole dictator is tightly controlling all organs of the state and the media to consolidate his stranglehold.

Addressing the Rangoon business community on October 24, 2004, Gen. Thura Shwe Mann, the number three in the Junta, justified the action against Khin Nyunt.

“He was corrupt and had to go. No one is above the law; everybody is equal before the law”, the General declared.

Then, what about the culprits of Dapeyin Massacre. Why are they still at large?

- Asian Tribune -

http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_article.php?id=1925

Burma: Sanction is a Lesson of Tit-for-Tat

Date : 2003-08-21

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

It happened in last October 2002. Burma's opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi welcomed Foreign Minister Alexander Downer's visit as an attempt to open dialogue with the military that has gripped the country, for the last four decades. At the same time the opposition leader sharply criticized Australia's engagement with the Burmese military junta and described a controversial Australian program of human rights training courses for Burmese officials - “useless and a waste of money.” Daw Suu said Australia should follow the path of tough economic and political sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union and limit its relations with the junta until it honored promises to start political dialogue. She reiterated her political stand clearly: ” We cannot change on matters of policy until such time as political dialogue is in place." On May 30, in another word dubbed as ''Black Friday'' this year; there was a U-turn in Burmese contemporary political history. The junta's crackdown on the democratic opposition has revived calls for tougher sanctions, as the international community seeks to vent its outrage on the Burmese military regime. The United States led the imposition of sanctions, expanding its visa blacklist and renewing calls for trade sanctions in the wake of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest after the violence of May 30, which the State Department said that it appeared to have been a premeditated attack, mounted by junta-backed thugs. 28 July of 2003, is a memorable date, on this day, George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, signed into law “Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003,” an executive order sending a clear signal to Burma's ruling junta that it must release the Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, along with all other political prisoners, and move down towards the path of democracy. These measures clearly affirm to the people of Burma that the United States stands with them in their struggle for democracy and freedom. The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act is the result of close cooperation between Bush Administration and members of the Congress on both sides of the aisle, a special mention should be made of Senator Mitch McConnell and Representative Tom Lantos. Among the other measures, the legislation bans the import of Burmese products. The executive order freezes the assets of senior Burmese officials and bans virtually all remittances to Burma. By denying the Burmese military rulers the hard currency, use to fund their repression; the United States is providing strong incentives for democratic change and the restoration of human rights in Burma. Burma's military rulers have described the U.S. sanctions as an "unjust and inhumane act,'' that will cause chaos and anarchy. " According to the international codes of conduct and the UN Charter, it is obvious that violation of the basic rights of a country by another amounts to intrusion in the internal affairs of the said country. In reality, economic sanctions are the unilateral actions taken only by the big powerful countries on developing countries, ignoring the equality among the nations, which the international community accepts. With the ill intention of hindering the economic, trade and manufacturing sectors of a developing country, the sanctions imposed by a big country on a developing country which is trying to stand on its own feet are inhuman acts. Especially, it is aimed at outbreak of unrest following the difficulties faced by the people and falling a nation in a state of anarchy,’’ the junta's No. 3 leader, military intelligence chief Gen. Khin Nyunt, responded with bitter remarks in his address as Chairman of Nation's Education Committee, at the opening ceremony of the Special Refresher Course No 19 for basic education teachers training took place at the institute in Pyin-oo-lwin Township, Mandalay Division, on 15 August. But, Burmese people would have to assume Gen. Khin Nyunt's remarks against the present U.S. sanctions as a ridiculous. Burmese people already have enough experiences of "unjust and inhumane act,'' with the practice of sanctions and strictures upon civilians regularly imposed by the military intelligence service (MIS). For instance, one Member of Parliament belonged to the National League for Democracy (NLD) party was a physician by profession. The MIS personnel noticed him to choose only one - between profession and politics. If he would like to be a physician he must resign his political position and leave the NLD. His family situation constrained him to choose his medical licence. Numerous NLD members were under threats and intimidation in a similar way and they were forced to choose between their professions and politics. Another type of sanction practiced by the MIS was termed as a gross violation of human rights. Take for example of Mya Mya who passed matriculation with flying colours in 1996, and qualified to enter the Rangoon Medical Institute. But, at that time her father was in Insein prison for a political reason. Being a daughter of a political prisoner, Mya was not admitted to the medical faculty. There are numerous cases of Mya Myas’ in Burma trampled under the jackboots of the army generals, who failed to get equal opportunity in higher education. The Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says that everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental levels. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available to all and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. But the secretary 1 of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Gen. Khin Nyunt who also takes responsibility as Chairman of Country's Education Committee, seems to be ignorant of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. He's the man who ordered the school-heads to gather forced-donations from the parents for school-buildings, multimedia equipment and all the other requirements needed for the school. If parents were reluctant to come up with donations, their children would be deprived of educational opportunities. This is attributed as one main reason for the yearly increase in the school dropouts in Burma. Though there are several reasons for students’ dropout, the main reason is said to be the families’ inability to pay compulsory donations to the respective schools where their children study. Furthermore, the annual financial allocation for the education is only 0. 5 % of the total budgetary estimate of the country, while the defence budget is always provided well over 50 percent. Moreover, the MIS used to play an atrocious act as a sanction. The experience of Ma Htay was a good example. Ma Htay is an active Executive Member of Ma-gwe Division NLD. Unfortunately, she underwent an emergency surgery of appendectomy at Thin-gan-gyun Model Hospital. When she just came out of the operation theatre, one secret police officer appeared at the office of the surgical ward and told the chief surgeon to discharge the patient, Ma Htay immediately. When the doctor asked him of who he was and why disturbed his rights, he showed his identity card and said that the patient did not deserve hospitalisation, because she was a member of NLD. In addition, the secret police threatened the doctor of his future. Eventually, Ma Htay was discharged. A different sort of pressure that comes with the immigration department is also a kind of sanction managed by the military intelligence service. When a citizen comes of age, he has to submit an application for National Registration Card (NRC). He has to take first the recommendation from the respective Head of Ward-ship Peace and Development Council. Then he has to go and seek for the second recommendation from the respective police station. With those two recommendation letters, he has to file his application for his NRC. The important element that looms behind those recommendations is that he must be a member of Union Solidarity & Development Association (USDA). If he is not a USDA member, he cannot get the required recommendation letters. Without USDA membership, he has to expend exorbitant amount in bribe for his NRC. If he is a member of the NLD, he has to resign from party or bribe authorities in 6 digits. Without NRC one cannot work or travel. Those are kinds of sanctions upon Burmese citizens imposed by the Defence Service Intelligence Bureau (DSIB) which is under the directive of Gen. Khin Nyunt who is the Director-General of the Bureau. At this juncture it is learnt that people have expressed their approval to the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, which is meant to curb the atrocious measures adopted by the SPDC against the innocent civilians in the country and still hoping for more effective series of various sanctions from the international community. Only sanction after sanction can tame the brutish military dictators. It's a lesson of tit-for-tat for the Burmese generals.

Burma's (Myanmar) Brand Of Democracy - - Sans Freedom of Press.

Date : 2004-09-29

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association (BMA), fighting for restoration of democracy in Myanmar (Burma), have demanded that the Military Junta's Board of Censorship reverse its recent decision to ban the privately-owned fortnightly Khit-Sann Journal that covers current international affairs. The junta has claimed that financial problems had led to Khit-Sannนs closure. But information with Reporters Without Borders and the BMA showed that the magazineนs financial situation was healthy. It was expanding and circulation had increased by more than 30% in recent months. The Khit-Sann or New Age Journal was managed and published by Kyaw Win, the chief editor of the periodical. Kyaw. Win spent altogether 15 years in prison, serving two terms as a political dissident. In 1982, during Ne Win's era, he was thrown into prison for 5 years. And in 1989, while he was a central executive committee member of the Ever Green Youth Organization, the current junta accused him having links with an unlawful organization and put him in prison for ten years. After serving his prison terms, he became a staff editor of Thint-ba-wa (Your Life) Magazine, along with two prominent writers, Tin Maung Than and Maung Thit Sinn, who are now living in exile in the United States. After Tin Maung Than and Maung Thit Sinn quit the magazine, Win became the chief editor of the Thint-ba-wa Magazine in 2000. But, the magazine was shut down by the PSB without reason. Then, Kyaw Win negotiated with the owner of the Sa-bae-byu (Jasmine) Magazine to continue his career. In 2001, the Sa-bae-byu had become one of the best magazines for intellectuals in Yangoon. Kyaw Win himself has made his name within a short period writing many books and articles for the new generation. Being a popular writer and model of the youth, he is on the watch list of the Military Intelligence Service. And in last June, the junta's mouthpiece newspaper (The New Light of Myanmar) published a pro-military article using his pen name (Kyaw Win) deliberately to create misunderstanding among the public. Then Kyaw Win made a strong protest to the military authority telling not to break the journalistic code of ethics. His protest annoyed the authorities. Afterward, the PSB summoned him as the chief editor of the Khit-Sann Journal and warned that the journal must change its Pro-US-EU policy. Actually, it is quite strange because the junta's accused him as a communist and kept in jail for ten years in 1990s. Meanwhile, the Junta is trying to deceive the world, as if it were a pro-democracy regime, starting to implement human rights practices. The regime has prescribed human rights textbooks for the eighth and the ninth grades students. But, not all 30 Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were included in the textbooks. It mentions only a third of the 30 Articles. The worst is the text does not mention the Article 19 and it emphasizes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should not be accepted as unquestionable. Teachers and students must accept it in relative terms, according to the prevailing situation of the country. That means the military regime is not reluctant to even censor the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to prolong its military power! Censorship is imposed in the name of national security. Those found owning pamphlets, books, magazines; cassettes or videotapes that are interpreted as hostile to the ruling junta are arrested and usually serve jail-terms of seven to twenty years. Although there are some privately owned journals and magazines in Burma, they are subject to an even stricter censorship regulations by the PSB, which can delay their publication by many months. The regime also does not allow public accessing to the Internet, in particular the military intelligence, monitors all incoming and outgoing e-mails. Web mails are blocked by the MIS and students have no chance for international scholarships through the Internet. Burma's state-owned Post and Telecommunications is said to be the country's first Internet Service Provider (ISP) and the second ISP is Bagan Cybertech, a semi-government organization established last year by Dr. Ye Nai Win, son of Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt. He is now going on to monopolize the mobile phone network and market in Burma. It is illegal to own an unregistered modem in Burma. In addition, lack of electricity and expensive charges for Internet services are other factors that block public access to the Internet. Fax machines must be licensed and to obtain a cellular phone permit not only costs $3000 but there is also a years-long queue to apply. Phone lines are often tapped and oversea calls frequently cut. Burma has been called "the world's largest prison for journalists" and over thirty journalists continue to languish in jail. The country's most respected journalist and art critic, former editor-in-chief of the Hanthawadi newspaper and vice-president of the Association of Burmese Writers, 75-year-old U Win Tin, has spent the last fifteen years of his life in prison. - Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_news.php?id=11449 Zin Linn - The author is an exile writer and ex-political prisoner.

Time for ASEAN to review Burma question

by - Zin Linn
Asia Tribune
2005-07-18

It was in 1976 in the Thailand’s Department of Foreign Affairs building in Bangkok, the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into existence on August 8, with the signing of 'Bangkok Declaration' by foreign ministers of five original member countries namely Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand.

The five foreign ministers are considered the organization's ‘Founding Fathers,’ and they are Adam Malik of Indonesia, Narciso R. Ramos of the Philippines, Tun Abdul Razak of Malaysia, S. Rajaratnam of Singapore, and Thanat Khoman of Thailand. The ‘Founding Fathers’ envisaged that the organization would eventually encompass all the countries in Southeast Asian region.

Following the founding of the organization, Brunei Darussalam became the sixth member of the ASEAN when it joined on January 7, 1984, barely a week after the country became independent on January 1, 1984. It would be a further 11 years before ASEAN expanded from its original six core members.

Vietnam became the seventh member in July 28, 1995, and Laos and Myanmar joined two years later in July 23, 1997. Vietnam would become the first Communist member of ASEAN. Cambodia was to have joined the ASEAN together with Laos and Myanmar, but was deferred due to the country's internal political struggle. Cambodia finally joined on April 30, 1999, following the stabilization of its government.

Joining of Cambodia brought the completion of ASEAN-10, by which constituting almost all the countries in the Southeast Asia region.
The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia, was signed at the First ASEAN Summit on 24 February 1976, which declared that ASEAN political and security dialogue and cooperation should aim to promote regional peace and stability by enhancing regional resilience. Regional resilience shall be achieved by cooperating in all fields based on the principles of self-confidence, self-reliance, mutual respect, cooperation, and solidarity, which shall constitute the foundation for a strong and viable community of nations in Southeast Asia.

The Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had started facing the first strong challenge from the international community due to Burma or Myanmar's human rights violations on 30 May 2003. The Association was called on to address human rights concerns in the region, including allegations of grave human rights violations at Dapeyin in Sagaing Division of Upper Myanmar, where the country's charismatic leader Aung San Suu Kyi (General-Secretary of the National League for Democracy - NLD) and her entourage were ambushed by the military junta's goons and killed more than 70 innocent people. From that day on, Aung San Suu Kyi and her chief lieutenant U Tin Oo (Vice-Chairman of the NLD) and many others were arrested and kept incarcerated till to date...

As international pressure piled up, ASEAN has to review its noninterference policy. In a departure from the ASEAN policy of "non-interference", the organization issued a statement calling for the early release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD members during the 36th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM) (held on 16, 17 June 2003) in Phnom Penh.

ASEAN’s concern followed a Myanmar junta-backed attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of other political activists, where scores of people were killed or injured.

The AMM's statement says – “We discussed the recent political developments in Myanmar, particularly the incident of 30 May 2003. We noted the efforts of the Government of Myanmar to promote peace and development. In this connection, we urged Myanmar to resume its efforts of national reconciliation and dialogue among all parties concerned leading to a peaceful transition to democracy.”

In Myanmar hundreds of the National League for Democracy (NLD) members and supporters were arrested in the context of the 30 May 2003, violence against Aung San Suu Kyi. They have been joining over 1400 other political prisoners who were already in the various notorious prisons throughout the country. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD senior leadership have been detained since then, amid strong international criticisms and condemnation of the extrajudicial killings and the subsequent repression of peaceful political opposition inside the nation.

In late August 2003, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC or Myanmar's military regime) was reshuffled and a 7-point "Roadmap" was announced by the then newly-appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt. However this “Roadmap” did not include plans for improving the serious deterioration of human rights situation and substantive political reforms in the country.

European and Southeast Asian officials were continuously pressing Myanmar's military government to do away with political restrictions and take responsibilities for political reforms. Burma's human rights record has been a sore point in relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union.

Top European Union diplomats said that they had frank discussions about Burma on 10 March 2005 in Jakarta with officials from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Jean Asselborn is the foreign minister of Luxembourg, which held the European Union’s presidency. He said that the European diplomats pointed out their grave concerns about Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy activist who is being held under house arrest for almost the greater part of the past 15 years by the Myanmar military junta.

"We reiterated the need for the early lifting of all restrictions and we asked for the release of all - all - political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," Jean Asselborn said.

Burma, a member of ASEAN, is set to take over the organization's presidency in the year 2006. However, many European officials have long advocated democratic reforms in Burma and the issue has caused friction between the European Union and ASEAN.

"We called on Myanmar to grant access to the special representative of the United Nations and to continue effective cooperation with all U.N. agencies," he said. "We discussed ways to promote positive development in Myanmar and agreed to continue dialogue on this issue."

At Cebu city, Philippines on 12 April 2005, ASEAN member nations have failed to reach a consensus on whether to allow Myanmar to take up the association's revolving chairmanship in 2006, as scheduled. Thai Foreign Minister Kantathi Suphamong-khon said Myanmar's military regime would make a decision based on the best interests of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Kantathi reiterated ASEAN's principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of member countries, adding that Thailand does not want the chairmanship issue for Myanmar to become an obstacle to the ASEAN's unity. The grouping has come under pressure from several member nations, as well as the United States and the European Union, to make Myanmar's chairmanship conditional on an improvement of its human rights record and substantive political reforms.

The issue was raised on the last day of the ASEAN foreign ministers' held at a retreat on Cebu Island in the Philippines. Laos, which chaired the three-day meeting, said foreign ministers would take up the issue again at a meeting in Vientiane, Laos, in July 2005. "It has been agreed that since this is an informal meeting, we should discuss the Myanmar issue at the upcoming Asean ministerial meeting at Vientiane," said Lao Foreign Minister Somsavat Lengsavad, who chaired the meeting at the retreat in Cebu, located in the Philippines.

The issue of Myanmar's impending chairmanship has exposed divisions in the 10-member grouping, with older members such as the Philippines, Singapore and Malaysia demanding real democratic change in the military-ruled country.

Newer members such as Cambodia, Vietnam and Laos have taken a more supportive stand, some invoking Asean's long-held tradition of consensus building and noninterference in the affairs of its members.

Myanmar, which is internationally condemned for political and human rights abuses, including the detention of the Nobel Peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, is due to take the alphabetically rotating chairmanship of Asean in 2006. The United States and the European Union, which have imposed economic sanctions on the country, have been pressuring the regional grouping to block its chairmanship.

Filipino Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo at the Cebu retreat predicted that he expected "vigorous debates" over Myanmar amid continued pressure from the West. Romulo also spoke out Manila's position that Myanmar's ruling junta should implement promised democratic reforms, release pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, give access for the drawing of a democratic constitution and allow the U.N. special envoy to visit the country showing cooperation with the world body.

In June 2005, the Indonesian Parliament's Commission on Defence and Foreign Affairs issued a resolution urging the government to boycott the ASEAN meetings if military-ruled Burma or Myanmar is allowed to take over the chairmanship.

Indonesia's parliamentarians are urging their government to support the resolution, which the parliamentary commission passed.

Malaysian and Philippine legislators, along with pro-democracy groups, have also opposed Myanmar's chairmanship, warning that ASEAN could lose credibility.

However, Myanmar's junta taking over of the chairmanship has become a thorn in ASEAN's side, which has a tradition of non-interference in members' domestic affairs. ASEAN officials say it will be solely up to the military regime in the Association to decide whether to take the helm next year or to retreat.

Because of Myanmar's dismal human-rights record, the United States and the European Union have repeatedly warned to boycott ASEAN meetings and stall development aid to the regional organization if it allows the military regime taking the chair. Most ASEAN nations are anxious to maintain good ties with their major trading partners.

The Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar [Burma] Caucus, or AIPMC, which comprises representatives from Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines and Cambodia, urged their governments to take the situation in the military ruled country seriously. Asean could otherwise lose credibility. At the moment the grouping is bound by its "constructive engagement" policy towards Burma's military regime. The AIPMC was originally formed by Malaysian legislators in May 2004.

Subsequently other legislators - both ruling party and opposition - from the other five Asean countries joined to give the AIPMC a total membership of about 400. The group in Bangkok had previously been in Malaysia and Indonesia to push its Burma proposals, and will now go to the Philippines.

A group of MPs from Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand and Cambodia have formed the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Caucus for Myanmar (AIPMC) as part of a campaign to raise awareness among legislators in their own countries of the situation in Myanmar and put pressure on the junta to free Aung San Suu Kyi and restore democracy.

Led by Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, head of the Malaysian caucus, they are asking that Myanmar, which is scheduled to take over as chairman of Asean by rotation next year, be denied the position unless Daw Aung Suu Kyi is released and other conditions met. This demand - in the Asean context - is surely unprecedented. But Zaid says it could mark the start of a new period of maturity and self-confidence within the region.

There should be a minimum standard of conduct that Asean members have to meet, says Zaid, who insists that this action does not violate the regional grouping's "non-interference" principle. For many years the international community had called upon Asean to take the lead in addressing the situation in Myanmar. These caucuses can be seen as rising to that challenge, he says.

To have legislators throughout the region to come together at both national and regional levels on an issue of human rights and democracy is encouraging not only for Asean, but for each individual country, says Zaid. The AIPMC says despite "constructive engagement" with Myanmar since its admittance into Asean in 1997, little progress had been made towards democracy and genuine national reconciliation.

The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) urges the ASEAN governments of Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia, and Philippines to respect the stand of the AIPMC that Myanmar should not be allowed to assume the ASEAN Chair 2006 unless Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners are released and a meaningful democratization and national reconciliation introduced in the country. There should be no softening of this stand, which should be formalized by the 38th ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Vientiane, Laos on July 25-29, 2005.

Lim Kit Siang, Malaysian opposition leader and AIPMC member, also said it was important that regional leaders tackle Burma's problems before it takes over the Asean chairmanship. He even urged them to expel Burma from the grouping unless there was political progress in the country. He pointed out in his media statement to promote democratization in Burma as well as in the ASEAN countries.

In his statement he emphasized, “ASEAN Parliamentarians should step up the campaign for democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar in the next two months before the commencement of the 38th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in Laos on the importance of heeding and respecting growing ASEAN parliamentary and civil society opinion that:

(i) Myanmar should not take the ASEAN Chair 2006 in the absence of meaningful democratization and national reconciliation efforts; and

(ii) Even if Myanmar voluntarily postpones its ASEAN Chairmanship 2006, the AMM should go on record to hold the Myanmar military junta to its undertaking when it was admitted into ASEAN in 1997 to work towards democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar.

Recently on 11 July 2005, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice urged Thailand to press the neighboring Myanmar junta to release all political prisoners including Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and move towards a greater openness and democratic reforms. Rice said that the United States was encouraging all of its partners, not just alone Thailand, but all partners who have contacts with Burma or Myanmar to press the case for human rights, to press the case for greater openness, to press the case for human rights for activists like Aung San Suu Kyi to be released forthwith, who represents the democratic movement for of reconciliation in Myanmar.

Since the 30 May 2003 Dapeyin attack, the junta has reconvened a National Convention to draw up a constitution, as part of a 7-step Roadmap to democracy. To everybody's knowledge, 1,076 delegates were handpicked by the junta, while the representatives-elect from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the main representatives of the ethnic nationalities have been excluded from the process. In addition, the junta refused to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD leaders, thus denying them the opportunity to participate in the National Convention.

The United States has previously suggested that it won't send a representative to next year's ASEAN meetings if Myanmar becomes chair of the body. Washington shuns Myanmar's junta for its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

There are still over 140,000 refugees in camps in Thailand. Approximately 20,000 refugees are in Bangladesh, and an estimated 52,000 Chin and Kachin refugees are in India. There are records of the systematic forced relocation of ethnic villages, and the use of forced labor, human minesweepers, child soldiers, torture, religious persecution, killings and the destruction of villages, rice barns, livestock and crops.

Burma Army has been exercising forced conscription and it has the highest number of child soldiers in the world. According to rights groups, there are about 70,000 child soldiers in the Burma Army, some as young as 11, being taken from bus stops and street corners, or on their way home from school, and forced to join the army.

The systematic use of rape as a weapon of war by the Burma Army has been documented in many reports. Remarkable reports are such as License to Rape (Shan Human Rights Foundation - 2002), No Safe Place (Refugees International - 2003), Shattering Silences (Karen Women's Organization - 2004) and System of Impunity (Women's League of Burma - 2004).

The ASEAN Declaration stated that the Association aims to accelerate the economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region, in order to strengthen the foundation for a prosperous and peaceful community of Southeast Asian nations. But, how can the Asean fulfill its major purposes with a military ruled member country which neglects norms of the civilized-organization? How can the association build up a prosperous and peaceful community while it has been accepting a rogue State as a member? The ASEAN should review this question objectively.

The next aim of the association is to promote regional peace and stability through abiding respect for justice and the rule of law in the relationship among countries in the region and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter. Member countries should thoroughly reconsider this purpose also. While the junta is shutting its eyes, extra-judicial killings, violence against women and children are taking place in daily basic in the military ruled country. There is no law and order at all. With such a lawless country as a member, can ASEAN manage to implement it aims? Actually, ASEAN's constructive engagement policy towards Myanmar (Burma) has been a complete failure.

Burmese people feel that the military regime has been using membership in ASEAN as a shield to protect pressures from the International Community over its dismal human rights record. ASEAN's prestige has been tarnish because of the military regime's membership.

Today's question for ASEAN and European Union as well as Japan is to think over whether Burma a dictatatorial or a democrat state? According to a Burmese saying, a tiger is a tiger and it never lives on grass. Then, if someone says a dictator would build a democratic country, it may be an object of ridicule for the Burmese society.

There are still arguments that the time for ASEAN to abandon its long standing policy of non-interference in another country's internal affairs if the affairs of a country spilled over and affected regional security. ASEAN's policy-makers have to debate on the Burma Question in the 38th ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Vientiane, Laos on July 25-29, 2005.

ASEAN should review its policy towards Burma under the military dictatorship for the sake of the association's future.

- Asian Tribune -
http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_news.php?id=15065

The USDA's True Faces Revealed

Date : 2003-12-11

By Zin Linn

We saw very clearly yesterday that, USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association) was another face of the Burmese junta. Also USDA is the terror group, a para-military organization within the Burmese state apparatus organized and patronized by the Army generals within the State Peace and Development Council to subdue the populace. According to Burmese government control media, the USDA was formed on 15 September 1993, and up to 31 July 1999, there have been 16 state and division associations, 63 district-level associations, 320 township-level associations and 14,865 village-tract associations with the total membership of 11,806,009. During the ten-year period, the USDA has been formed at the central level, state/division level, district level, township level and village/ward level. Under the supervision of the Central Panel of Patrons, the USDA has been organized with Secretary-General, the secretariat and a Central Executive Committee. The Members of Panel of USDA Patrons (Central) are as follow: - Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services - Senior General - Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services -Commander-in-Chief (Army) - Commander-in-Chief (Navy) -Commander-in-Chief (Air) -Head of the Office of Strategic Studies Department -Adjutant general -Quarter master general -Chief-of-Staff (army) -Commanders of All Army Commands - Commanders of All Army Commands are the Patrons of USDA States/Divisions Level. And they are also members of the Central Panel of Patrons. * Panel of Patrons of USDA (Central) Patron of the USDA Senior General Than Shwe. Chairman of State Peace and Development Council Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Minister for Defence Services * Members of Panel of Patrons of USDA (Central) (1) Vice-Senior General Maung Aye -Vice-Chairman of State Peace and Development Council -Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services - Commander-in-Chief (Army) (2) General Khin Nyunt - Prime Minister of the State - Chairman of Myanmar education committee - Chairman of National Health Committee - Chairman of the City Housing Estate Project Supervisory Committee - Chairman of Myanmar Computer Science Development Council - Chairman of the Working Committee for Development of Border Areas and National Races - Chairman of Myanmar National Olympic Council - Chairman of the Central Committee for Ensuring Smooth and Secure Transport - Chairman of ASEAN Steering Committee of the Union of Myanmar - Committee for Reorganization of Police Administration System - Chairman of the Privatization Commission - Chairman of Housing Project Committee - Vice-Chairman of Industrial Development Central Committee - Patron of the Leading Committee for All-round Renovation of the Shwedagon Pagoda - Patron of Myanmar National Committee for Women's Affairs - Military Adviser to the Chairman of State Peace and Development Council - Chairman of the Special Projects Implementation Committee (3) Lt-Gen Soe Win - Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council (4) Lt-Gen Thein Sein, - Secretary of the State Peace and Development -Council Adjutant General -Chairman of Myanmar War Veterans Organization Central Organizing Committee (5) General Thura Shwe -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (6) Lt-Gen Thihathura Tin Aung Myin Oo -Member of the State Peace and Development Council -Quarter Master General (7) Lt-Gen Kyaw Win -Member of the State Peace and Development Council -Chief of Armed Forces Training (8) Lt-Gen Tin Aye -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (9) Lt-Gen Ye Myint -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (10) Lt-Gen Aung Htwe -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (11) Lt-Gen Khin Maung Than -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (12) Lt-Gen Maung Bo -Member of the State Peace and Development Council (13) Lt-Gen Kyi Min -Commander-in-Chief (Navy) (14) Lt-Gen Myat Hein -Commander-in-Chief (Air) (15) Maj-Gen Khin Maung Myint -Commander of Eastern Command -Chairman of Shan State Peace and Development Council (16) Brig-Gen Ko Ko -Commander of Southern Command -Chairman of Pegu Division Peace and Development Council (17) Maj-Gen Myint Swe -Commander of Yangon Command -Chairman of Yangon Division Peace and Development Council (18) Maj-Gen Myint Hlaing -Commander of Northeastern Command -Chairman of Shan State Peace and Development Council (19) Maj-Gen Maung Oo -Commander of Western Command -Chairman of Rakhine State Peace and Development Council (20) Maj-Gen Ye Myint -Commander of Central Command -Chairman of Mandalay Division Peace and Development Council (21) Brig-Gen Ohn Myint -Commander of Coastal Region Command -Chairman of Taninthayi (Tenasserim) Division Peace and Development Council (22) Brig-Gen Thura Myint Aung -Commander of South-Eastern Command -Chairman of Mon State Peace and Development Council (23) Brig-Gen Tha Aye -Commander of North-Western Command -Chairman of Sagaing Division Peace and Development Council -During 30 May Premeditated Attack, he was Commander of Coastal Region Command -Chairman of Taninthayi(Tenasserim)Division Peace and Development Council (24) Brig-Gen Soe Naing -Commander of South-Western Command -Chairman of Irrawaddy Division Peace and Development Council -During 30 May Premeditated Attack, he was Commander of Commander of North-Western Command -Chairman of Sagaing Division Peace and Development Council (25) Brig-Gen Khin Zaw -Commander of Triangle Region Command -Chairman of Eastern Shan State Peace and Development Council (26) Brig-Gen Maung Maung Swe -Commander of Northern Command -Chairman of Kachin State Peace and Development Council Secretary-General of USDA Brig-Gen Htay Oo -Minister for Cooperative - Former Commander of South-West Command - Chairman of Irrawaddy Division Peace and Development Council) During 30 May Premeditated Attack, the Secretary-General was U Than Aung who is Minister for Education The Secretariat of USDA Brig-Gen Thein Zaw -Minister for Telecommunications, Post and Telegraphs -Minister for Hotels and Tourism U Thaung -Minister for Science and Technology Maj-Gen Tin Htut -Minister for Electric Power Maj-Gen Kyaw San -Minister for Information Central Executive Committee Brig-Gen Thura Aung Ko -Deputy Minister for Religious Affairs Brig-Gen Maung Maung Thein -Minister for Livestock and Fisheries Brig-Gen Kyaw Win -Minister for Industry-1 U Soe Tha -Minister for National Planning and Economic Development Brig-Gen Khin Maung -Minister for Agriculture and Irrigation Brig-Gen Thein Aung -Minister for Forestry Col. Tin Hlaing Col. Thein Nyunt -Minister for Progress of Border Areas and National Races and Development Affairs Brig-Gen Aung Thein Lin -Chairman of Rangoon City Municiple Committee - Mayor - Rangoon Col. Maung Pa -Vice-Chairman of Rangoon City Municiple Committee -Deputy Mayor - Rangoon Brig-Gen Thura Aye Myint -Minister for Sports U Than Shwe -Minister for Office of Prime Minister Brig-Gen Ohn Myint -Minister for Mines U Thein Sein Deputy -Deputy Minster for Information Brig-Gen Pyi Sone -Minister for Commerce and Trade This is the second part of the two-part news analysis by Zin Linn Also Read: USDA is another face of the military junta - Exposed http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_news.php?id=8262