Thursday, July 26, 2007

Burma: Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it

in Linn
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
November 25, 2005

It's not surprising that Burmese junta mouthpiece Myanma Ahlin published policy related article 'Demands for Dialogues, no solution to Myanmar Democracy Transition' on November 13.

The article said, "Regarding Myanmar's drive for democracy transition, the National League for Democracy demanded variously for dialogue, thus culminating in a halt to the National Convention that commenced in 1993. It has been constantly shouting national reconciliation and national solidarity. Up to now, nothing can break the deadlock in the drive for reunion of NLD and the Tatmadaw."

Looking back in time, it's easy to see the real culprit holding up democratic transition in Burma. The people of Burma still have vivid memories of the July 7 massacre in 1962, the June 6 massacre in 1974, the August 8 massacre in 1988 and the May 30 massacre in 2003.

After the 1988 uprising, which the junta coldly obliterated, Burma's military have commanded little respect. Their rejection of the NLD victory in the 1990 elections further tarnished their terrible image.

In 1992, the junta's 11/92 Declaration announced the convening of a National Convention on January 9, 1993. The military arranged the participation of 702 delegates from eight social strata, including a group of elected representatives from the previous election. The declaration back-peddled on several points made in the earlier 1/90 Declaration.

According to 1/90, all elected representatives in the 1990 elections have the right to participate in the National Convention. But the 11/92 Declaration said only 99 MPs or 15- 24 percent of people elected were invited. The rest of the delegates were hand-picked by the junta. Under the military's six objectives and 104 principles, representatives were unable to propose any democratic ideas...

That's why the NLD submitted two letters to the Chairman of the National Convention Convening Committee, which said "We find that there is need for discussion and amendments because the purpose of the National Convention is to construct an authentic democratic state which is the earnest desire of the people and basic democratic principles must be written into the constitution which means that the foundation for democracy is being laid."

A third letter from the NLD said their representatives would stop attending the convention until proper discussion and participation was allowed. The National Convention Commission expelled the NLD representatives in less than 48 hours. The convention was abandoned in 1996, as it had lost validity.

On June 7, 1996, the State Law and Order Restoration Council released Law No 5/96 signed by then SLORC Chairman Sr. Gen Than Shwe.

Chapter 3 of the law said anyone violating the new regulations would be punished with a minimum jail term of five years and a maximum sentence of 20 years. The law was intended to curb freedom of expression.

The generals are now terrified of having to transfer power and have launched a major offensive against the NLD.

The National Convention, which was the first step of the junta's seven-point road map to democracy, reconvened on May 17, 2004 and again the NLD were not accommodated. Several other political parties including the Shan National League for Democracy and Shan, Karen, Kachin, Chin, Arakan, Mon and Karenni groups said they would boycott the meeting.

When the National Convention resumed without these groups, delegates presented a variety of papers and proposals on the new constitution and in June representatives from 13 cease-fire groups did the same, calling for democracy and significant state or district power.

But convention chairman Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Thein Sein and convention secretary and Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan dismissed the document. The convention was postponed to February 17, 2005 and was suspended again on March 31.

The NLD has made clear representatives would not join the convention until top leaders, Aung San Suu Kyi and Tin Oo, are released from house arrest. But the military reshuffle late last year has made things harder on the opposition.

The roadmap and the convention are bogus and are designed only to prolong military rule.
In her 'Letters to a Dictator' Aung San Suu Kyi said, "The important point is that the NLD has repeatedly written to the SLORC asking for a dialogue. The party has done this because it believes that the only way to solve the current problems, including those of the National Convention is through a substantial dialogue. We strongly believe that there is no other way."

But the recent SPDC article in Myanma Ahlin said, "the solution to the problems in Myanmar democracy transition is review not dialogue".

But dialogue is exactly what the United Nations have called for.

The junta has also decided to again convene the National Convention on December 5, stubbornly going against domestic and international calls.

The European Union, the United States, the United Nations and human rights groups consider the convention a sham as so many opposition groups will not attend. Nobel peace laureate South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Former Czech president Vaclav Havel, last month presented a damning report to the United Nations, calling on the world body to take new steps to push the junta to reform.

The Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro also presented a report to the UN General Assembly, detailing the junta's serious human rights violations and demanding the release of the 1,100 political prisoners.

The people of Burma are at a turning point in history, and the international community, especially regional players China, India, Japan and ASEAN members have a role to play in change in Burma. Japan and ASEAN in particular should try to persuade China to cooperate in finding a solution to the 'Burma question'.

Regional players should not allow the military regime to repeat a fallacious anti-dialogue policy that keeps the people of Burma in a state of oppression.
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Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist in exile. He spent nine years in a Burmese prison. He works at the NCGUB East Office as a director and is an executive member of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. "

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