Journalists In A Prison State

07.11.2005: BMA Conference Paper:

Zin Linn

Agreeing to disagree is a fundamental right only of those who live under a democratic system. Under a military dictatorship system, disagreeing or dissident opinion can be seen as a crime.

Today, Burma is still under the yoke of an inhumane military dictatorship. The downfall of Gen. KhinNyunt and the promotion of Gen. Soe Win showed the factional conflict in the military which the generals used to say indivisible army. It's a showdown between the infantry force and the military intelligence service. According to analysts in Rangoon, It's a counter coup in the military. As some people dream, it is not a conflict between soft-line democrats and the hard-line autocrats. It does not show a political reform nor a policy shift of the junta.

People of Burma have shown their opinion very clearly in the 1990 General Elections, in which the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory. That means people disagree with the military dictatorship system. For that reason, the military regards its own people as its opposition and it changes the whole nation into a prison state. The regime never allowed people expressing a different opinion and it tightly controlled all types of media to be its propaganda network.

In the latest history of mankind, no dictator loves to promote the press to be a free media. No dictator loves to allow the existence of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, especially the Article 19. On the question of Burma, it is also not an exceptional case and the right to freedom of opinion and expression has been under the boots for over 40 years together with the Article 20 or the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

According to today people's general opinion, the freedom of expression becomes one of the most important human rights issue in these days. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says that everyone has the right to freedom of expression. There is no question of difference of race or difference of nationality or difference of religion. Protecting Article 19 is the major challenge to the journalists as well as the democrats of today.

The International Community is pressing the Burmese junta to abandon the autocracy and to go along on a right track of democratic reform. But the junta's Senior General Than Shwe turns a deaf ear to the International Community including his own people and entrenches himself in military absolutism.

Burma's military regime has long been ostracized by Western governments for its poor human rights record. Burma is also notorious for suppression of press and journalism. That's why Burma becomes '' the largest prison for journalists in Asia ''. The political situation in Burma continues to stall at an impasse between the democratic oppositions and the military regime. The media is strictly censored and political opposition parties are denied permission to have computers or to publish their own bulletins. All the publishers of journals, magazines and publications must apply to get a permission or registration license. A publisher also needs clearance of military authorities which is a testimony of not involving with politics. Actually, this kind of license is no other than a yoke of the dictatorship that put on the shoulder of a writer or a journalist.

It is usual for the SPDC to ban freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and travel. The regime also continues to systematically monitor citizens' movements and communications. They search homes without warrants at any time. They open and check parcels and mails which they suspect. To tap a phone is a common job of the military intelligence personnel. In such a country, no body dares to express his or her opinion fearlessly. To choose a career of journalism in Burma under dictatorship is the most dangerous thing of all. For they have to live under the watchful eyes of the military intelligence service.

Here, for instance, I would like to explain the SPDC or junta's day-to-day administrative system. The basic administration is done by the ward-ship council. Every ward-ship council has a detailed map which shows the situation of all streets, building and houses. If you are a civil servant then your house will be colored green in the map. If you are an NLD or a political dissident, your house is marked with red color. And a house of writer or journalist is painted black. Moreover, every ten-house has one head-man. The ten-house headman must watch the people who live there. He has to inform the situation of those houses to local authorities in daily basic. The military backed USDA members are also the informers of the respective authorities. Therefore, the situation of each family is looked like living in a prison-cell. Because of such system, Burmese people are feeling as if they were prisoners. Then, Burma becomes notorious as a prison state.

Then you may imagine, a journalist in Burma is almost alike a prisoner in his own country. Here, the case of Ne Minn (a former BBC stringer) is a good example. In 1989, according to official Rangoon radio, Ne Minn was charged with spreading false news and sending the anti-government documents to the BBC. He was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment by a military tribunal in Insein Prison and served 9 years. Ne Min was re-arrested in last February by the MIS accusing him of reporting false news to unlawful organizations outside the country. He and 4 other ex-political prisoners were sentenced to a long-term imprisonment on 7 May 2004.

Another example was about Than Win Hlaing, a writer and journalist, who was secretly thrown into Tha-yet Prison. Ation was taken against him in the summary court under the Publication Act 17/20, and he was sentenced for 7 years imprisonment in June 2000.

He published a book around 1995 titled '' Historic Sculptures that tells the Most Prominent Figures of Burma '', and then in 2000 he republished it as second edition with some rewritten passages.

The second edition was submitted in accord with the censor-board's rules and getting permission from publication scrutiny board or the PSB. The problem was that one of the articles was portrayed about General Aung San, father of Aung San Suu Kyi, and the essence of the article seemed directly criticizing the junta's policies. Although the PSB had already permitted, the Military Intelligence Service (MIS) charged the author under the Publication Act 17/20. He was sentenced for 7 years imprisonment in June 2000.

Burma did earn a good reputation for press freedom after it gained independence from Britain between 1948 and 1962. At that time there were over 30 private newspapers and no need to undergo a censorship board. But it was really a short period that came to an end when the military seized power in March 1962.

In the wake of the military coup, the junta nationalized all newspapers and introduced harsh publishing legislation. It also established a Press Scrutiny Board (PSB), which has been imposing the strictest censorship codes on all forms of publications including calendars, advertisements and obituaries.

The military dictators' constant companion or major instrument of censorship is the Printers and Publishers Registration Law of 1962, which was promulgated shortly after the military coup by Gen. Ne Win. According to this law, all forms of books, magazines, periodicals, scripts of songs and films must be submitted to the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB). Believe it or not, even brand-name papers for consumers' goods must be passed through the censorship process.

Manuscripts for books must be submitted to the PSB before printing and again afterwards put forward for checking that no changes have been made. Magazines are more risky that the editors must submit printed-copies for censorship. If the PSB objected an article, the editors have to remove it and rearrange the pages orderly. Sometime it was not allowed to bring out for the respective month blaming every line in the magazine opposed the regime. Tightly controlled by the Military Intelligence Service (MIS), the PSB has full power to decide on both the number of circulation and the content of the publication. Moreover, the cover designs and paintings of the publications must be taken permission separately from the PSB.

If a rejected painting or article brought out, the editor and publisher would deserve a severe imprisonment for breaking the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law.

In such a manner, Burma has held the title of the world's worst suppressor of the press and journalism for more than forty years,. It still retains its notorious reputation for jailing writers, poets, editors, publishers, photographers and journalists for supporting democratic idea in their writings and publications.

The next example was about the banning of fortnightly Khit-Sann Journal. On 1st September, the military junta's Board of Censorship made a decision to ban the privately-owned Khit-Sann Journal, which covered update international affairs. It was recently summoned and told that the journal was too "pro-American."

The Burmese junta's spokesman said that financial problems had led to Khit-Sann¹s closure. But information obtained by Reporters Without Borders and the BMA showed that the magazine¹s financial situation was healthy. The two organizations have challenged the military junta's denial that the bi-monthly Khit-Sann was closed for political reasons.

The Khit-Sann or New Age Journal was managed and published by Kyaw Win, the chief editor of the periodical. Kyaw Win spent in prison for twice totally 15 years as a political dissident. In 1982, during Ne Win's era, he was thrown into prison for 5 years. And in 1989, while he was taking responsibility as a central executive committee member of the Ever Green Youth Organization, the current junta accused him of in connection with unlawful organization and put him in prison for ten years. After serving his prison terms, he became a staff editor of Thint-ba-wa(Your Life) Magazine together with two prominent writers, Tin Maung Than and Maung Thit Sinn who are now living in exile in the United States.

After Tin Maung Than and Maung Thit Sinn quit from the magazine, he became the chief editor of the Thint-ba-wa Magazine in 2000. But, the magazine was shut down by the PSB without having a good reason. Then he became chief editor of the Khit-Sann or New Age Journal. Due to his supervision, the Journal was also well-established among the intellectuals and young people throughout the country.

Being an editor of the famous Khit-Sann Journal, he is on the watching list of the Military authorities. And in last June, the junta's mouthpiece newspaper (The New Light of Myanmar) published a pro-military article using his pen name (Kyaw Win) on purpose of misunderstanding in the public. Then Kyaw Win made a strong protest to the military authority telling not to break the journalistic code of ethics. His protest was a rare one and it caused annoyance to the authorities.

Afterward, the PSB summoned Kyaw Win and seriously warned that the journal must change its policy of thinking highly upon the United States and the European Union. Actually, it's a little bit strange because the junta's accused him as a communist and kept in jail for ten years in 1990s. But now, it branded him of a pro-western bloc.

In the same month, Shwe-ba-zun, a monthly magazine published in Rangoon, was also banned by the PSB without giving a reason. The Shwe-ba-zun editor-in-chief May Thinn-gyan Hein received an order to stop the magazine, while her September issue magazine was waiting for the PSB's permission. According to an unnamed senior member of PSB, editor May has been learning English at the British Council English Language Center in Yangon. In addition, she has already finished a journalism course sponsored by the Embassy of the United States of America in Yangon.

The next fault is that her father Htun Htun Hein is an elected representative for Naung-cho constituency in Shan State of the National League for Democracy (NLD). It may be a major question of banning the magazine.

The editor is also popular for her realistic news reportages that portrayed misery of the poverty-stricken families of the present days under the regime. According to literati source in Yangon, it's a dirty game of the junta towards freedom of expression.

The next example was about documentary filmmaker Lazing La Htoi who took records of extreme flooding that hit Myitkyina, the capital of the northern Kachin State, in late July. Lazing La Htoi's video included footage of a dead body and an interview with a local resident citing as many as 50 casualties resulting from the flooding, according to CPJ sources. Local authorities arrested him on July 27 while he was copying the footage.

In 1999, two documentary-filmmakers were arrested similar to Lazing La Htoi's case. Aung Pwint, a documentary filmmaker, editor, and poet, and Thaung Tun, an editor, filmmaker, and poet better known by his pen name, Nyein Thit, were arrested for filming footages in the daily life of poverty-stricken societies in Burma, including miseries in rural areas. The two circulated their documentaries through underground networks. They are still in junta's inhumane jail so far. The two journalists are really deserved to the CPJ's 2004 International Press Freedom Awards

At the same time, the military is trying to deceive the world, as if it were a pro-democracy regime starting to implement the human rights practices. The case was that the regime has prescribed human rights text books for the eighth and the ninth grades students. But, not all 30 Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were included in the text books. It mentions only one-third of the 30 Articles.

The worst is the text does not mention the Article 19 and it emphasizes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should not be accepted as unquestionable rights. Teachers and students must accept it as relative terms, according to the situation of the country. That means the military regime even does not reluctant to censor the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to prolong its military power.

Censorship is imposed in the name of national security. Those found owning pamphlets, books, magazines, cassettes or videotapes that are interpreted as hostile to the ruling junta are arrested and usually serve jail-terms of seven to twenty years.

Although there are some privately owned journals and magazines in Burma, they are subject to an even stricter censorship regulations by the PSB, which can delay their publication by many months.

Some writing never gets permission to be published. To obtain a publishing license, which can be revoked at any time, a would-be publisher has to bribe various military authorities with a great deal of money. Even though, it is still uncertain of getting permission.

So many topics are strictly forbidden for publication. Writers, journalists, poets, cartoonists, photographers, editors and publishers must obey the rules and regulations of the PSB.

All publication-related people must also submit their autobiographies to the Home Ministry. Stories and essays about the poor are never permitted for publication. Articles on sociological crisis, economic difficulties, natural disasters, shipwrecks, train or plane crashes are usually not released.

For instance, at one meeting of the censorship organ of the Home Ministry, warned publishers and editors of journals and magazines that they would face severe punishment if they wrote about the country's banking crisis including the money laundering stories. Similarly, politics and economic crisis as well as misconceived policy of the regime are also taboo subjects for the media and public discussion.

The regime also does not allow public accessing to the Internet, in particular the military intelligence, monitors all incoming and outgoing e-mails. Web mails are blocked by the MIS and people have no chance for advance Information Technology and update news.

Possessing or using a modem or fax machine without government permission is a crime in Burma. The Computer Science Development Law which promulgated on 20th September, 1996 says '' Whoever sets up a computer network or connects a link inside the computer network, without the prior sanction of the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 7 years to a maximum of 15 years and may also be liable to a fine.''

So it is illegal to own an unregistered modem or fax in Burma. In addition, lack of electricity and expensive charges for Internet services are other factors that block public access to the Internet. Fax machines must be licensed and to obtain a cellular phone permit not only costs $3000 but there is also a years-long queue to apply. Phone lines are often tapped and oversea calls frequently cut. So, not only the journalists but also the average citizens have been disconnected with the outside world intentionally by the regime. That's why Burmese people feel as if they were put into a prison.

Burma has been notorious as "the world's largest prison for journalists" and over thirty journalists continue to languish in jail so far. The country's most respected journalist and art critic, former editor-in-chief of the Hanthawadi newspaper and vice-president of the Association of Burmese Writers, 75-year-old U Win Tin, has spent the last fifteen years of his life in prison.

The military practices absolutism over all aspects of freedom in Burma. The junta has never tolerated any democratic opinions or ideas from citizens.

The laws most commonly used by the junta are - - -

- the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act,

- the 1957 Unlawful Associations Act,

- the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law and

- the 1975 State Protection Law.

Each provides for long periods of imprisonment for citizens judged guilty of criticizing the ruling junta. In addition, the use of systematic torture and summary courts are the major forces backing suppressive laws and decrees.

As freedom of expression depends on the progress of democratization in Burma, international media and human rights watchdogs should keep supporting the democratic movement against military dictatorship. That's why people of Burma asking for genuine sympathy from the International Community. Detaining over 1500 political prisoners, mostly students, intellectuals, lawyers, doctors, journalists and including the Nobel laureate of the nation while denying access to the media, Burma has no hope of changing into a true democratic federal union.

In such a situation, it may be out of question that a free press is the best guarantee for sustaining political and economic reforms in Burma. Free press is also a necessary force to establish transparency and accountability towards a democratic society.

[The Computer Science Development Law which promulgated on 20th September, 1996]

CHAPTER X

Offences and Penalties

Whoever imports or keeps in possession or utilizes any type of computer prescribed under sub-section(a) of section 26, without the prior sanction of the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 7 years to a maximum of 15 years and may also be liable to a fine.

Whoever sets up a computer network or connects a link inside the computer network, without the prior sanction of the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 7 years to a maximum of 15 years and may also be liable to a fine.

Whoever fails to comply with a prohibitory order issued by the Council, or the 'Ministry of Education or the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs ill respect of the type of computer prescribed under Sub-section(a) of section 26 shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to 6 months or with fine or with both.

Whoever commits any of the following acts using computer network or any information technology shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 7 years to a maximum of 15 years, and may also be liable to a fine:-
(a) carrying out any act which undermines State Security, prevalence of law and order and community peace and tranquillity, national unity, State economy or national culture;
(b) obtaining or sending and distributing any information of State secret relevant to State security, prevalance of law and order and community peace and tranquillity, national unity, State economy or national culture.

Whoever violates any order relating to control issued by the Council under Sub-section(c) and Sub-section (d) of section 7 shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to 3 years or with fine or with both.

Whoever imports or exports any type of computer software or any information prescribed by the Council under sub-section (g) of section 7 shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 5 years to a maximum of 10 years and may also be liable to a fine.

Whoever fails to comply with an order abolishing any computer association, issued by the Council under sub-section (j) of section 7 shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to 3 years, or with fine or with both.

Whoever attempts or conspires to commit any offence under this law or abets in the commission of such offence shall, on conviction be punished with the same penalty prescribed in this Law for such offence.

The Court shall, in ordering a penalty for any offence under this Law, confiscate or destroy or dispose of the exhibits relevant to the offence in a accordance with the stipulations.

Burma:: Buddhist Abbot to be hanged

Date : 2003-12-06

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

Much to everybody's shock and consternation, the Burmese military regime has again condemned, this time a Buddhist abbot. The military court in Mandalay Prison has sentenced to death a venerable Buddhist abbot Sayadaw U Cendhimar from Kyauk-se, a reliable source in Mandalay said. Earlier, in mid-October, religious unrest broke out in Kyauk-se, a town in central Burma, which is located not far away from Mandalay. The unrest spread to the city of Mandalay and then to the capital Rangoon. Burma’s junta confirmed that there had been sporadic clashes between people professing different faiths and slapped a dusk-to-dawn curfew in the areas where the religious unrest was rampant. According to reports, the religious unrest broke out with a minor dispute, as someone threw a stone into a Buddhist monastery compound and it sparked the anger of the Buddhist monks, who mistakenly believed that the occupants of a nearby mosque were responsible for the alleged stone throw. Subsequently, number of Muslims were attacked and injured in the religious riot that ensued, while others fearing for their lives sought shelter in the homes of the neighbouring Buddhist families. According to local populace, many Buddhist monks in Mandalay rushed to Kyauk-se, caused tension thus sparking riots and arson, which left a dozen people dead, including a pregnant woman. Following the untoward incidences, Buddhist monks were ordered to observe curfew and monasteries and mosques came under surveillance of the state officials, witnesses said. The ruling junta took swift action against the Buddhist clergies before public unrest broke out, anticipating that the riot could have been termed as protests against the regime. However, people suspected that that the religious riot was a state orchestrated one. The Sangha Mahanayaka (Chief Buddhist Prelate) or Buddhist monks’ administrative body issued an instruction, banning all monks not to leave monasteries between 19:00 and 04:00 hours. Security personnel also monitored mosques and monasteries and watched closely the activities of the monks. During the religious unrest in October, the military intelligence services arrested at least 315 people including monks. Moreover, according to confirmed reports, two monks and a dozen people were killed in the incident. One abbot, the venerable Kyauk-thin-baw Sayadaw from Kyauk-se and his follower Pho Zaw were murdered at Letpanhla village on October 16. The two Buddhist monks were killed while on their way to Kyunhla village for religious purpose. On October 19, eleven Muslim were also killed in the religious riot in Kyauk-se.. A monk was shot dead during a demonstration in Mandalay, on 27 October. Accordingly, in the religious unrest which rage the country in October, 14 lives were lost and the junta arrested over 300 people. But according to reliable sources, there are no major conflict between the Buddhist and Muslim religious factions. In the past 40 year the country experienced time and again religious and racial riots, and it was alleged that the military dictators were the culprits, who from the backstage pulled strings in order to derail public outrage against the political or economic crisis. It's surprising that, out of 315 detainees, the Venerable Abbot U Cendhimar, who is the chief monk of the Nyein-chan-ye (Peace) monastery in Kyauk-se, was put on trial in the Mandalay Prison and capital sentence passed. According to information, lawsuit against the venerable prelate was filed on 24 November 2003. In the said case, another 5 accused, who are under 17 years of age, were also found guilty and each of them were sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. The names of the 5 teenagers were not known as yet. The military intelligence service has threatened the respective officials of the judicial military court to be secretive and not to divulge any information about the case and the proceedings. Sources inside Burma said that the hearing was conducted secretly and the accused were testified without notifying to the relatives of the accused and also without giving an opportunity for having a lawyer to defend them. Several when contacted express dissatisfaction with the decision of the junta's special court to condemn with capital punishment the most Venerable U Cendhimar. - Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_news.php?id=8195

Junta may not release "Prisoners of Conscience"

Date : 2004-11-22

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

The November 18 announcement was as cryptic as any the Burmese military junta has made till date. Nevertheless, the decree as broadcast over the state run radio that 3,937 prisoners would be set free is welcome news. These prisoners are among the hundreds and thousands of people who have been randomly picked up and detained in the jails, which, as a former detainee, I can tell you, are hell on earth. What prompted the rulers to let them free is unclear but the admission that they were all victims of army excesses is a shocking confession about the state of affairs. Coming as it did from the highest in the land; it appears to be a way of atoning for the wrong that was perpetrated on the innocent, though at least on the face of it no remorse is reflected in the decree. It is for this reason that the decree will remain a reference point in the days ahead to the embarrassment of the junta. Mark the words in the announcement: “It is concluded the National Intelligence Bureau may have used irregular and improper means to put them into prison”. We don’t know when these lucky ones will begin to breathe free, and, in fact, who these lucky ones are. Because, the broadcast was silent on these basic details. A guess, rather surmise based on the past experience, is that the criminals may have more chance getting out of jail than the prisoners of conscience. There is no denying that time is ripe for the Generals to think seriously of releasing all political prisoners and kick start the process of national reconciliation and reconstruction of the economy, which is in shambles. If the army is sincere, it should release Burma’s Nobel laureate first and then free unconditionally some 1500 political activists who are languishing in jails. Most of them have been put behind bars by the orders of Gen Khin Nyunt, who had headed the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB), besides being the prime minister of the country till very recently. Nyunt himself is under house arrest now. And the NIB has been disbanded. As I observed in my recent columns, the eclipse of Nyunt exposed the battle for supremacy among rival military factions. He obviously incurred the wrath of the Big Man, Senior General Than Shwe (the head of state). That was why he had to go. More than that, his control of the border trade and drug trafficking channels in his capacity as the director general of Burma’s notorious Military Intelligence Service (MIS) made him neighbours envy. Burma is the second largest opium producer in the world, after Afghanistan. And Opium trade, legal and illegal, is big money. The MIS personnel have been acting like the mafia over the years and they have used its elite status to make unbelievable sums of money. The MIS corruption is particularly strong along the border areas where the daily income of a Sergeant far outstrips the pay of a mainstream infantryman. In addition, smuggling of narcotic drugs by some ethnic groups, which have signed ceasefire deals with MIS, has reached such proportions that early this year, Thailand had threatened to erect a fence along the border to check drug trafficking. Last September, the MIS directly crossed swords with the army by penetrating into their ‘business’ territories. Two intelligence officers, Maj. Kyi Zin and Maj. Kyaw Kyaw Naing, (who were directly under the charge of Brig. Gen. Myint Zaw, Chief of the Border Affairs Division at the MIS) have claimed that they had been instructed to raise funds for presidential campaign of Gen. Khin Nyunt. While it is true that the Junta was planning a switch over to Presidential system by adopting a new constitution at a national convention, the calibrated efforts of Khin Nyunt and his cronies to mobilise men and money for a presidential campaign rang alarm bells in the quarter that mattered. Some analysts aver that the September clamp down was also a result of senior army commanders desire to control the lucrative border trade with China. It may be true. What ever be the inside tract, out went orders for a raid on a busy check post at Muse, on the border with China. Apparently, the powers that be wanted to use the raid as a test case. And what they found and finally seized caused a big stir even when it is common knowledge that the Burmese generals are incredibly corrupt and have built their personal fortunes through smuggling rings. It is said the soldiers seized huge quantities of gold bars, jade, pearls, foreign currencies and other valuables goods from Muse check post. Operation demolition was sent in motion and it was only after the ‘wealth shake-up’ was completed and the 20-year-old clandestine Khin Nyunt empire was demolished, the former prime minister was put under arrest on October 19, 2004. Khin Nyunt operated several profitable businesses through his MIS. These ranged from karaoke bars to travel agencies and from newspapers and magazines to assortment of business enterprises, big and small. Khin rivals are busy carving out the business empire of the ousted prime minister and his privileged cronies. Junta’s strongman Than Shwe is understood to have decided to rid the MIS of the Khin Nyunt elements. So, business firms linked to the former prime minister have been shut down or made to suspend operations temporarily. At least 17 journals and magazines went out of news paper stands after Khin Nyunt associates lost control of the Censorship Bureau. According to a reliable source in Rangoon, the military regime has imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Kyauk-tan, the native town of the ousted Prime Minister since the first week of November. The army men are removing posters and pictures of Khin Nyunt. Also removed are marble inscriptions on various buildings because Khin Nyunt's name appeared. Most of the closest relatives of the former MIS chief are living in the town and from the looks; it is a systematic operation of cracking down upon Khin Nyunt's grass roots supporters. Gen. Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of armed forces, and Lt-Gen. Soe Win, who replaced Khin Nyunt, are vivying for the top jobs. Diplomats in Rangoon believe that the man to be watched, however, is Vice Senior General Maung Aye. He is number two in the Junta and in effect, the real commander who is calling the shots. There is reason to believe that the Senior General Than Shwe is planning to transfer power to ‘the next generation’ in the army. On his part he likes to switch his role to that of a President, once the Junta’s seven-point road map is implemented. What this transition will mean to Burma? What are the chances of release of political prisoners? Crystal gazing is difficult at best of times, and certainly in Burma. There may be some trade offs between the Senior General and the Vice Senior General in the matter of new appointments to the cabinet. That may not signal the slackening of army grip over the power structure. In fact, the army may play the power games more assertively. It is easier playing the game without the Nobel laureate and her party. But as I said at the outset, if the army is sincere and has the true interests of Burma at heart, it should do what the world expects of them - set free all political prisoners. Without much ado! And without much delay! This is the time for action. Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist who lives in exile. He is an executive member of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with Reporters Sans Frontiers, Paris.

A LIGHT OF HOPE FOR PEOPLE OF BURMA

New Era Journal:15 June, 2006.

[In commemoration of the 60th Birthday of the people's charismatic leader ]
by - Zin Linn

People of Burma mark 19 June, the birthday of Nobel Peace Laureate and Burma's Democracy Icon Aung San Suu Kyi, as Women of Burma Day. On this June 19, 2005 is the Sixtieth Birthday of Burma's democratic leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As Suu is the true blood of her father, Burma's National Hero General Aung San, she inherited the Union Spirit and the Traditional obligation for National Reconciliation Cause. Moreover, she earnestly shoulders the task of building a democratic Burma. She also gives up self-interests in order to fulfill the will of all ethnicities in Burma. That's why people recognize Suu as the Bearer of New Hope for Burma.

People from various countries who support democracy and human rights admire Suu as champion of non-violence school together with Martin Luther Kings Jr. (1964 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate) and Nelson Mandela (1993 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate).

People agree that Suu has lots of personality. She's a lady of the highest integrity. She has shown great perseverance in the face of extreme hardship. She has a concentrated mind at her targeted destination. She never allows space for depression and approaches the questions with optimism. She always keeps calm and avoids disappointment while facing harsh oppression.

One remarkable personality is that Suu used to welcome every challenge as an opportunity. To everybody's knowledge, she holds firm to her resolution and never fails to keep her words. In addition, it is her habit to respect time and never allows of time-wasting practice. As Suu has made up her mind to sacrifice her life for the benefits of her country, she's in no mood for thinking of self-congratulation. To stand on the side of justice and to defend on the side of the oppressed is her usual manner as well.

There are two exemplars, Mahatma Gandhi and her father General Aung San, in her life. From Gandhi she takes her commitment to nonviolence, from her father she takes the power of integrity that represented what she called a profound simplicity. Although she got the spiritual power from the two exemplars, she has her own political ideology that represents defending human rights and human dignity in a manner of fearless way.

Human being or man has his right to live in a free society as a dignitary. As a member of human society, everybody must have the right to be respected. In her famous book - Freedom from Fear - she expresses to be fearless as the core of her thought. She says that - It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it. Fearlessness is the best response to governmental violence. In conclusion she writes that "truth, justice and compassion are often the only bulwarks against ruthless power."

Suu often tells the people about fear that caused them to be victimized in the circle of evil life. She encourages the people to get rid of fear as possible as they can. She occasionally shows up of her fearlessness against the military regime, facing guns and bayonets that closely pointed to her while on her trip to grass roots folks. With such examples of courage, firmness and integrity, she becomes symbol of hope for people of Burma similar to her father and Mahatma Gandhi.

It may be the fact that people recognize Suu as their sole savior or the symbol of future Burma, the military junta has continuously disgraced the Nobel laureate by using all dirty tricks. But the regime cannot afford to blacken Suu's reputation and finally they committed a big crime at Dapeyin on 30 May 2003 known as Black Friday. It's a premeditated ambush or political assassination that targeted the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its leadership. But it was in vain for the supporters of the NLD sacrificed their lives defending their charismatic leader and Nobel Peace Laureate. So, it will be in vain for the regime to do away with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who represents freedom, justice and equality in current Burma.

In the post cold war era, voice of calling for democracy and human rights has been strongly echoing in the main-stream of international politics. It may be a great pity to see that the military junta is still rowing their sinking boat loaded with military dictatorship against the democracy and human rights main-stream. As the generals put their faith in militarism, they do not have enough courage to listen the voice of freedom, justice and equality. They also dare not to face with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who gets landslide victory in the 1990 General Election. The semi-dictators in the South-east Asia region, who are in the same sinking boat with the junta, also seem to be scared of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her slogan - '' Democracy must come first and foremost ahead of economic development ''.

According to Suu's political point of view, without democracy and basic human rights economic opportunities will not reach equally to all citizens but to the military elite and its cronies. In the absence of freedom, justice and equality, to build a nation's economic development may be a castle in the air. That's why the Nobel laureate of Burma demands to set up a democracy surroundings as a sign of sincerity toward the people.

In fact, the Burmese military dictators cannot afford detaining Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for so long if they do not get supports from the neighboring semi-dictatorial governments.

In other words, the region's anti-democratic leaders are worrying to see the Nobel laureate at the helm of the democratic Burma that may result the renaissance of democracy in the region. Then, she will be crowned as the region's ideological leader for democracy and human rights.

To my individual point of view, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi becomes not only a promising leader of the region but also a world-standard statesman admired by international community. As various parliaments, universities and institutions have conferred honorary awards and doctorates on her, we should recognize her as a prominent ‘statesman’ of the world today.

One outstanding program of the world body is campaign for the Eradication of Poverty. Eradication of absolute poverty and reduce overall poverty substantially in the world. The UN's goal is to reduce the proportion of people living on less than one dollar per day by one half by 2015 through decisive national action and strengthened international cooperation. But to achieve that goal, it is essential to strengthen of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. According to Suu, without these fundamental rights the campaign for Eradication of Poverty means nothing.

Holding such advance ideology and policy, Aung San Suu Kyi is rapidly establishing as an important figure in the world political stage. For that reason, people are going to honor and celebrate her sixtieth birthday as a magnificent event in every part of the globe. This glorious birthday ceremonies show that Aung San Suu Kyi does not only belong to Burma but also to the international community. In addition, the military junta can not neglect the fact of recognizing Suu as a charismatic leader of the country.

If the military dictators refuse to recognize the role of Suu in making of democratic Burma, the Statesmanship of the Nobel laureate will gain more influential power in the political arena. If the dictators tried their utmost to damage the reputation of Suu, it will reversely cause them of exposing their immorality. If the generals tried to disgrace her personality especially of her selflessness, the majority population will denounce the military. If the military regime failed to accept the tripartite dialogue offered by Suu and the NLD, it will bring down the regime together with their farce national convention.

To sum up, due to strong supports by the international democratic institutions all over the world, Suu's glorious sixtieth birthday ceremonies has been transforms into great political rallies that raise her image and dignity overwhelmingly. People of Burma are now too proud to possess a democratic leader like Aung San Suu Kyi. Moreover, Suu has been receiving more and more support from people who love democracy throughout the world. It makes the junta to be isolated more than ever. For instance, the emergence of Burma Parliamentary Caucus in some countries is an apparent progress. Subsequently, the Asean Inter-Parliamentarian Caucus on Democracy in Burma (AICD) was also established in Kuala Lumpur last year.

In reality, such political improvement has come into existence due to Suu's firm resolution. Without such a determined leader, there might not be a better future for Burma. Nevertheless, Burma has a better future under the leadership of a firm, brave, honest and selfless leader. To have such a leader is fortunate not only for Burma, but also for the Asean as well. People who are responsible as leaders of the Asean should not waste this fortune to be useless. It is truly important for them to support faithfully and unitarily the nonviolent political path rather than military's blood and iron policy. Being a democratic politician in the Asean institution, it is also important not to be selfish and narrow-minded searching for one's own country. Asean's political leaders should be fearless persons for genuine peace and prosperity of the region.

As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi represents freedom, justice and equality, people think of her as ‘the Light of Hope’ for future Burma. Asean as well as world leaders should respect the will of the Burmese people and support their new hope.

Burma: Respressive Manhunt in the Leadup to General Khin Nyunt's Road Map

A Superintendent from the Directorate of Forestry was sentenced to death as he disclosed the true corruption story behind the dismissal of former Minister for Forestry, U Aung Phone

By Zin Linn
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 7, 2003

Amazingly, the Burmese military junta has pronounced that it has made up its mind to build a democratic Burma. This will not fool the Burmese people long used to the junta saying one thing and doing another. In a country where thousands of prisoners are languishing in various jails and forced-labour camps, no one will believe words without action.

As every citizen of Burma knows, their country is consistantly on the black lists of organization such as the International Labour Organization (ILO) and Amnesty International (AI). So it's logical thinking by Burmese people that the army cannot afford to build a truly democratic nation without getting help from these international civilian institutions.

On 22 December 2003, following their second mission to Burma, an Amnesty International delegation called on the military junta to release all prisoners of conscience and stop arresting people for peacefully expressing a dissenting opinion. As BBC Bangkok correspondent Kylie Morris has reported, Amnesty International has warned there was a major contradiction between the fine words coming from Rangoon and what was happening in practice. Amnesty also warned that conditions have deteriorated in the country since their first visit.

One of the most serious concerns that Amnesty International has pointed out is to stop the use of repressive legislation to criminalize freedom of _expression and peaceful association. These laws date from the nineteenth century through to the present. Examples of their use in recent months include sentencing people for staging solitary protests or for discussing social and economic issues in personal letters. Authorities have continued arbitrary detention and intimidation and have created an atmosphere of fear and repression that will take more than rhetoric to dispel.

Even while Amnesty International called for legislative reforms on 24th December 2003, a Special Military Tribunal was assembled in Insein jail. U San Min, a Superintendent from the Directorate of Forestry, faced a lawsuit filed by the military authorities, and was sentenced to death. He had been put on trial because he disclosed the true corruption behind the dismissal of former Forestry Minister, U Aung Phone, in a letter to the United States Embassy. In addition, he also disclosed how the new Forestry Minister, Brigadier General Thein Aung, has often rebuked the United States and the National League for Democracy (NLD) with slanderous attacks in his speeches.

In addition to the death sentence, all of U San Min property has been confiscated. Even this has not satisfied the military authorities. His three children, who all work in the civil service, have been sacked without individually doing anything wrong in their respective offices. U San Min's eldest daughter had been working as a public servant in the Rangoon Division of the Directorate of Forestry.

Military authorities continue to commit institutionalised human rights abuse through the use of forced labour. In late December, residents of Twun-te township in Rangoon Division were ordered by the local authorities to rebuild streets and roads in front of their house-compounds and also to repair all old fencing and brick walls. Orders came directly from the township local authorities through the respective wardship administrative councils. All residents in the township were summoned and forced to sign written undertakings to comply with the instruction orders.

On 24th December 2003, Deputy Police Superintendent Myo Aye appeared in the East Kun-gyan Ward and arrested five residents without any lawful warrant for failure to comply with orders given by the local authorities. The five residents are Ko Sa Lun (son of U Sein), U Aung Sein (son of U Hla Khin), Ko Naing (U son of U Han Thoung), Ma Phyu Nu (daughter of U Tin U) and an individual from the Pyit-taing-daung Pawn Shop. Ma Phyu Nu is the mother of a one year old baby.

The above five were brought before a magistrate of the Twun-te Township Court on the 26th December and they were put into police lock-up as prisoners on remand.

According to local residents in Magwe Division, people are whispering in disgust with the MIS that three Buddhist monks from Maha-dhammika-yama Monastery in Magwe were put on arbitrary trial and sentenced to 27 years imprisonment each on 24 December 2003. The MIS accused the monks of being agitators by attempting to instigate a religious riot. The three monks are U Ottara, U Khemasara and U Kauthanla, all of whom study Buddhist scripture at the monastery. According to locals, even the spouse of the judge was disappointed with her husband who made a 'blundering fool of himself' by following the MIS instructions and sentencing the three monks.

At the same time, one Buddhist abbot, Venerable Ashin Verathu, was also charged with preaching propaganda messages against the military regime in downtown Mandalay and was sentenced to 27 years in December 2003. Cassette tapes of Venerable Ashin Verathu's preaching are spreading throughout the country.

Furthermore, two monks, whose titles are unknown, received 27 years imprisonment each during an arbitrary trial accusing them of taking initiative to start a religious riot in Myin-gyan, a major city in Mandalay Division. An analyst in Rangoon has reported that altogether 65 people, including monks, have been held in custody since last October. The military authorities have detained them not because of the religious conflict but under suspicion of being against the SPDC's 'road map'.

On 22 December 2003, the residences of eight members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) from Mandalay Division were raided by the Military Intelligence Service (MIS). A mobile-phone, approximately 300,000 Kyat in cash, books and papers were confiscated and the detainees were taken to an undisclosed location. Those detained in the raids include Daw Tin Myint (F), Ma Hninn Pa Pa Hlaing (F), U Than Win (M), U Win Kyi (M), U Myint Oo (M), U Hla Oo (M), U Hla Soe (M) and Ko Aung Aung (M). So far, family members have not been allowed to meet with the detainees. Three people from Rangoon that were not members of the NLD were also arrested during the same operation.

Most of the detainees were also victims of the Depayin premeditated attack on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters on 30 May 2003 had only been released very recently. The crackdown occurred shortly after the sixth visit of the UN Special Rapporteur, Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, and the second visit by two Amnesty International (AI) representatives.

News of these latest arrests have spread like wildfire in Rangoon and the charged political atmosphere is affecting the general population who also have to shoulder the burden of high-priced daily consumer goods. As the junta's prime minister is pushing ahead his road map rather than dealing with people's daily problems, a negative view of what lies ahead is sneaking everywhere throughout the country.

As long as the manhunt being carried out by the Military Intelligence Service goes on, all the efforts for a true and constructive national convention will be in vain. All hopes for national reconciliation will not materialise in the near future if the current situation continues.

Ms. Catherine Baber, Amnesty's deputy director for Asia, has called on the international community to keep up the pressure for concrete action to match the rhetoric emanating from the Burmese military regime.

Who encourages the Burmese junta to violate human rights?

Date : 2004-06-30

Asian Tribune By Zin Linn

Most people in Rangoon have applauded the European Union's clear-cut decision on principle towards the ASEAN that determined the fate of the military controlled Government of Burma. Burmese people feel dissatisfied with the ASEAN's lopsided engagement policy as furthering the military regime rather than a fair deal. Moreover, the ASEAN leaders stand for their own interests and neglect the democratic principles. Two scheduled meetings between EU and Asian finance ministers in the coming months have been cancelled amid EU’s objections to the participation in the Talks the military ruled Burma for the junta’s repeated human rights violations. The decision to cancel the talks has caused acrimony between the EU and the ASEAN that make up the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). Malaysia is criticizing the European Union for canceling meetings with Asian economic and finance ministers because of the inclusion of Burma’s military junta, calling the decision ‘counter-productive’. "Just because they are dissatisfied with one country, it should not cause a meeting to be abandoned or canceled, that sort of thing is not very productive," Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Seri Syed Hamid Albar told reporters. He also said that Malaysia believed in its policy of "constructive engagement" with Burma as a measure that would be more successful in promoting democratic reform in the country than any harsher stance. But it's a pity that the ASEAN countries including Malaysia cannot read the inner mind of the Burmese senior general, who never consider of political reform but to maintain a status quo. If ASEAN possessed a genuine reasoning power, it would clearly know the reality that a 15-year period was more than enough to carry out reforms. Instead, Burmese military regime is repeatedly claiming towards the emergence of a disciplined-flourishing democratic nation or military-controlled country through its 7-stage road map which foes not receive any popular support. That obviously means military manipulated convention will be held by fair or foul means. The ongoing the ‘name-sake’ national convention, which was the first step of the junta's 7-stage road map, reconvened on 17 May after an 8-year lapse is a comical circus – a make-believe endeavor. The key question was when the junta failed to accommodate the major political party, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, then the Burma’s second-largest pro-democracy party, Shan National League for Democracy, chose not to attend the so called national convention. The other important ethnic political parties in the United Nationalities Alliance (representing the Shan, Karen, Kachin, Chin, Arakan, Mon and Karenni ethnic groups) have also declared that in the absence of the NLD, they too will not attend. The military regime itself has admitted in its 1/90 declaration, dated the 27th July 1990, that one of the clause stipulated in the drafting of the Constitution of the Country is the responsibility of the representatives-elect in the 1990 elections. According to 1/90, all elected representatives in the 1990 elections have the right to participate in the national convention, through which mechanism the constitution has to be drawn. But, the current junta's convention has dismissed approximately 400 members of parliament elected in 1990 General Elections and out of the 485 members of parliament, 79 had passed away as of May 17, 2004. So, according to average Burmese people, the convention is an alienated process which is going on without either the people's approval or mandate. The European Union has made it clear that it will exert pressure on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to exclude the Burmese junta from the ASEM Summit in October. European Commission President Romano Prodi reiterated the European Union's call for democracy in Burma dated 22 June 2004, while explaining the cancellations of meetings with its Asian partners. "On the European Union side, there is a principle that we work for the respect of democracy, human rights, minorities, and this is the criteria that we use for our relations with all other people," Prodi said in a joint press conference following a summit with the Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. In a foreign ministerial meeting earlier this month, the European Union canceled two ASEM sessions, one of finance ministers that had been scheduled for 06 July in Brussels and the other of economic ministers meeting scheduled in mid-September, in The Hague, over the inclusion of the Government of Burma's military junta. Actually, it is the responsibility of the ASEAN which used to say applying constructive engagement it believes in taming of the rouge regime may succeed. So, Burma's current situation is proved that ASEAN has to find ways and means to get out of the miserable position. ASEAN must confess that its practice of unconditional engagement has only served encouraging the military regime to commit further acts of oppression upon its own people. In doing so, the organization itself has disempowered and weakened its own capacity. The ASEAN should take into cognizance the uncivilized nature of the Burma's junta. If ASEAN has a good memory, it should remember what the UN has strongly urged the junta. Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other human rights instruments, the United Nations General Assembly has been urging strongly the military rulers in Burma to restore democracy and implement the results of the 1990 elections during its sixtieth session in April 2004. The UN urges the military regime to ensure that the contacts with Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy move without delay into substantive and structured dialogue towards democratization and national reconciliation. It also urges that at an early stage the regime has to include other political leaders in these talks, including the representatives of the ethnic groups. Moreover, the UN has repeatedly urged the Burma's regime to end the systematic violations of human rights in Burma and to ensure full respect for all human rights and fundamental freedom. The world body has also told the generals to facilitate and cooperate fully with an independent international investigation of charges of rapes and other civilian abuses carried out by members of the armed forces throughout the country. To release unconditionally and immediately all political prisoners has become an annual usual call to the regime by the United Nations General Assembly for more than a decade. But the rogue regime always turns a deaf ear to the voice of the United Nations. Defying decisions made by the United Nations General Assembly, Burma's military junta continues to rule the country with a rod of iron. It is hard to understand why the ruling generals maintain such a harsh and inhumane stance that caused the country isolated from the international community. The junta should know that genuine democratic reform is the only way for Burma to gain economic recovery through international recognition. According to people's remarks, the ASEAN is the culprit who encouraged the junta to launch the ongoing national convention unilaterally. The ASEAN backed convention is not a solution for Burma but a design to continue with the army rule in the country. That's why majority populace of Burma welcomes the EU's decision to cancel two upcoming meetings with Asian finance and economics ministers, casting doubt on an ASEM summit scheduled for October in Vietnam. The EU has long complained about Burmese junta’s crackdown on the democratic opposition party which won landslide in 1990 General Elections but was blocked to organize a parliament by the junta. Burmese people are very disappointed with the ASEAN of encouraging the Burmese military regime to violate human rights as well as the laws of the civilized world. Without ASEAN's support, the junta has no courage to challenge the UN's decisions. If the ASEAN does not go along with the UN's Burma decisions, the military ruled country will be changed into a regional threat that raised a lot of questions such as - drugs, human trafficking, prostitution, HIV/AIDS, refugee and mass migration etc. Burma is going to take the ASEAN chair in 2006. The ruling generals call the current constitutional forum the first step toward the democratization of Myanmar, but critics call it a "sham and farce." It is an appropriate description because any constitutional talks that exclude opposition parties, most notably the NLD and SNLD, are meaningless. Before Burma could disgrace the ASEAN, it should be tamed and harnessed at any cost. ASEAN should reconsider the whole course on Burma and especially, it should not be an advocate of a rouge state. - Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/oldsite/show_article.php?id=1571