New Era Journal
25 January 2005
Zin Linn
Release Political Prisoners for Democratic Burma
The ouster of Burma's Prime Minister, once powerful Director-General of Burma's notorious Military Intelligence Service, has exposed the comprehensive battle between rival military factions. It also highlighted widespread corruption scandals in the military ruled bankrupt country.
The November 18 announcement was as cryptic as any the Burmese military junta has made till date. Nevertheless, the decree as broadcast over the state run radio that 3,937 prisoners would be set free is welcome news.
These prisoners are among the hundreds and thousands of people who have been randomly picked up and detained in the jails, which, as a former detainee. I can tell you, are hell on earth.
What prompted the rulers to let them free is unclear but the admission that they were all victims of army excesses is a shocking confession about the state of affairs. Coming as it did from the highest in the land; it appears to be a way of atoning for the wrong that was perpetrated on the innocent, though at least on the face of it no remorse is reflected in the decree.
It is for this reason that decree will remain a reference point in the days ahead to the embarrassment of the junta. Mark the words in the announcement: "It is concluded the National Intelligence bureau may have used irregular and improper means to put them into prison".
We don't know when these lucky ones will begin to breathe free and in fact, who these lucky ones are. Because, the broadcast was silent on these basic details.
A guess, rather surmise based on the past experience, is that the criminals may have more chance getting out of jail than the prisoners of conscience.
There is no denying that time is ripe for the Generals to think seriously of releasing all political prisoners and kick start the process of national reconciliation and reconstruction of the economy, which is in shambles.
If the army is sincere, it should relase Burma's Nobel laureate first and then free unconditionally some 1500 political activists who are languishing in jails.
Most of them have been put behind bars by the orders of Gen Khin Nyunt, who had headed the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB), besides being the prime minister of the country till very recently.
Nyunt himself is under house arrest now. And the NIB has been disbanded.
The eclipse of Khin Nyunt exposed the battle for supremancy amongy rival military factions. He obviously incurred the wrath of the Big Man, Senior General than shwe (the head of state). That was why he had to go.
More than that, his control of the border trade and drug trafficking channels in his capacity as the director general of Burma's notorious Military Intelligence Service (MIS) made him neighbours envy.
Burma is the second largest opium producer in the world, after Afghanistan. And Opium trade, legal and illegal, is big money.
The MIS personnel have been acting like the mafia over the years and they have used its elite status to make unbelievable sums of money. The MIS corruption is particularly strong along the border areas where the daily income of a Sergeant far outstrips the pay of a mainstream infantryman.
In addition, smuggling of narcotic drugs by some ethnic groups, which have signed ceasefire deals with MIS, has reached such proportions that early this year, Thailand had threatened to erect a fence along the border to check drug trafficking.
Last September, the MIS directly crossed swords with the army by penetrating into their 'business' territories. Two intelligence officers, Maj. Kyi Zin and Maj. Kyaw Kyaw Naing, (who were directly under the charge of Brig. Gen. Myint Zaw, Chief of the Border Affairs Division at the MIS) have claimed that they had been instructed to raise funds for presidential campaign of Gen. Khin Nyunt.
While it is true that the Junta was planning a switch over to Presidential system by adopting a new constitution at a national convention, the calibrated efforts of Khin Nyunt and his cronies to mobilise men and money for a presidential campaign rang alarm bells in the quarter that mattered.
Some analysts aver that the September clamp down was also a result of senior army commanders desire to control the lucrative border trade with China. It may be true.
What ever be the inside tract, out went orders for a raid on a busy check post at Muse, on the border with China. Apparently, the powers that be wanted to use the raid as a test case.
And what they found and finally seized caused a big stir even when it is common knowledge that the Burmese generals are incredibly corrupt and have built their personal fortunes through smuggling rings.
It is said the soldiers seized huge quantities of gold bars, jade, pearls, foreign currencies and other valuables goods from Muse check post. Operation demolition was sent in motion and it was only after the 'wealth shake-up' was completed and the 20-year-old clandestine Khin Nyunt empire was demolished, the former prime minister was put under arrest on October 19, 2004.
Khin Nyunt operated several profitable businesses through his MIS. These ranged from karaoke bars to travel agencies and from newspapers and magazines to assortment of business enterprises, big and small.
Khin rivals are busy carying out the business empire of the ousted prime minister and his privileged cronies.
Junta's strongman Than Shwe is understood to have decided to rid the MIS of the Khin Nyunt elements. So, business firms linked to the former prime minister have been shut down or made to suspend operations temporarily.
At least 17 journals and magazines went out of news paper stands after Khin Nyunt associates lost control of the Censorship Bureau.
According to a a reliable source in Rangoon, the military regime has imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Kyauk-tan, the native town of the ousted Prime Minister since the first week of November.
The army men are removing posters and pictures of Khin Nyunt. Also removed are marble inscriptions on various buildings because Khin Nyunt's name appeared. Most of the closest relatives of the former MIS chief are living in the town and from the looks; it is a systematic operation of cracking down upon Khin Nyunt's grass roots supporters.
Gen. Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of armed forces, and Lt-Gen. Soe Win, who replaced Khin Nyunt, are vivifying for the top jobs.
Diplomats in Rangoon believe that the man to be watched, however, is Vice Senior General Maung Aye. He is number two in the Junta and in effect, the real commander who is calling the shots.
There is reason to believe that the Senior General Than Shwe is planning to transfer power to 'the next generation' in the army. On his part he likes to switch his role to that of a President, once the Junta's seven-point road map is implemented.
What this transition will mean to Burma? What are the chances of release of political prisoners?
Crystal gazing is difficult at best of times, and certainly in Burma. There may be some trade offs between the Senior General and the Vice Senior General in the matter of new appointments to the cabinet. That may not signal the slackening of army grip over the power structure.
In fact, the army play the power games more assertively. It is easier playing the game without the Nobel laureate and her party.
But as I said at the outset, if the army is sincere and has the true interests of Burma at heart, it should do what the world expects of them - set free all political prisoners. Without more ado! And without any further delay! This is the time for action. Burmese generals are now at crossroads of the history. Do they wish to avoid a dishonorable motive?
Zin Linn: The author, a freelance Burmese journalist, lives in exile. He spent 9 years in the junta's hellish prison for his dissenting voice. He is an executive member of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers.
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